WE now turn our attention to what we have called the Economic Field of human activity. It is easier to trace the movements which are in progress in this field than those in the religious field; and moreover, the majority of reading people are more familiar with them, for two reasons: first, because they have more interest in them; and second, because the economic events of the times are prominent subjects of discussion in all the numerous periodicals upon which the multitude rapaciously feed.

      It follows that the main facts which bear upon our general subject are matters of well-nigh universal information. Among these facts are the following:--

      1. That the energies of mankind--tremendously augmented by the energies of nature which have been brought under human control--are being concentrated, more and more, upon the production and distribution of commodities, insomuch that, practically all the great problems of the day are economic problems.

      2. That the employment of these energies has produced an unprecedented increase of wealth.

      3. That the distribution of this rapidly accumulating wealth is very uneven, there being a decided [202] tendency towards the concentration thereof into the hands of a small and decreasing number of people; so that the present social order is characterized by colossal fortunes of the few and straitened circumstances of the many.

      4. That the present economic system is further characterized by periodic industrial convulsions, which profoundly affect all classes of society, and whose consequences are felt most severely by those who are least able to endure them.

      5. That the development of commercialism is characterized by an increasingly insistent demand for a radical change of the social conditions, and for the introduction of an economical order which shall insure a better and fairer distribution of the wealth produced by the collective efforts of mankind.

      6. That the demand for a better economic system is not merely a political movement, but is taking decidedly the form of a religious movement.

      Thus, in one great field of human activity (the religious field) we see the prominent religious movements becoming steadily more practical, and aspiring to regulate the temporal concerns of men; while in the other field (the economic) we see social movements taking on a religious guise, making their appeal to the religious feelings of mankind, and seeking the support of religious sanctions.

      Whatever be the real relation of wealth to human welfare, there can be no doubt that men generally regard the former as the real source of the latter, and [203] the latter as wholly dependent upon the former. Society, as now existing, is organized and operates upon the principle that the possession of wealth is the highest good, and is the means to every attainable end that is worth an effort. If this principle were destroyed, society as now organized would fall to pieces, and the "titanic industrial energies," which specially characterize it, would subside into relative quiescence. Manufacture and commerce are not organized and carried on for the purpose of supplying the actual needs of human beings. If that were their object they must be regarded as colossal failures, since the needs of the great masses of people, no matter how hard they may labour, are not by any means fully met. Moreover, there is not the smallest likelihood that, under the present social system, they ever will be fully met. Business is, on the contrary, organized and carried on for the sake of profits. This is the motive which has led to the development of those gigantic business organizations which are among the conspicuous features of this era of commercialism. Without that motive they never would have been brought into existence. The ardent pursuit of profits is the outward expression of the profound and implicit faith of the modern man in the power of wealth to procure welfare and happiness. This faith is obviously a religious faith; and it is a live faith, if judged by its works, and upon the principle that faith without works is dead.

      Here, then, we have the real religious faith of the [204] modern man; and this faith in the power of wealth to bless mankind with all blessings which the heart of man can crave, must of necessity be the core of the ultimate religious system which man shall evolve for himself. Business is but man's service of his god; and business zeal is but the worshipper's effort to procure the largest possible share of the favours which his god has to dispense, and to gain the highest possible place in his service. Although it may not be usually so regarded, yet we think it to be obvious upon reflection, that the fervid devotion of the modern man to his business is really a religious fervour; and this characteristic of the man of this day is an important factor in bringing about that great combination of religion and business which the voice of prophecy foretells.

      All men of the day are not ready to avow that business is really their religion, or to acknowledge that money is their god. Yet the lives and actions of some who are prominent in the affairs of the day plainly declare their unbounded faith in the power of wealth, and their firm conviction that the struggle for its blessings and favours Is the only enterprise worthy of supreme human effort. It is the real, if not always the formulated, belief of the modern man, that the elevation of humanity is to be effected through the development of the resources of nature, and the mastery of the forces of nature, and through the application of these resources and forces to the production of wealth. [205]

      Such is the potency of this article of faith, and so profoundly has it entered into the heart of man, that it has inspired the most consuming zeal, and called forth the most tremendous energies, that have been thus far displayed in the entire history of the human race.

      Here, then, at last has been discovered a unifying principle, capable of drawing together into a common enterprise "all them that dwell upon the earth," and of inspiring in them the most sustained and strenuous religious zeal.

      All this is plain enough, and (except for the religious character of the struggle for wealth, which is generally overlooked) is the subject of frequent comment. But our concern is with the tendencies of the industrial activities of our day. To what will these new conditions, with the great social changes that accompany them, eventually lead?

      In order to follow this inquiry properly, a little more detailed attention must be given to certain of the prominent characteristics of Industrialism, which we have briefly noted above.

      Attention is frequently and loudly called by a certain class of social reformers to the undeniable fact that, while the bulk of the wealth of mankind is growing at an unprecedented rate, the number of the owners of wealth is rapidly diminishing. It is stated without denial that one per cent. of the population of [206] the United States,--the richest and most "progressive" country in the world,--owns more wealth than the other ninety-nine per cent. of the population. This condition is a fact of much importance, since it is one which, in a country that is democratic at least in form, is sure to lead eventually to radical social and political changes.

      Attention is also called to the fact that all accretions of wealth are due to human labour, which is the only factor that adds anything to the value of what existed before. The quantity of raw material in the world being rigidly fixed, it follows that the only additional value which can be imparted to materials is that which human labour supplies.

      It is therefore becoming more and more a question in the minds of the labouring classes, why they, who are the actual producers of wealth, should get but an insignificant part of its benefits, and why, they, being the majority, should permit the continuance of an economic system which operates so inequitably. And the answer, which is taking ever more definite shape in their minds, and in which they are being diligently schooled by able and zealous teachers, is to the effect that there is no valid reason, ethical or otherwise, why an economic system which yields such manifestly unfair results should be tolerated. [207] Unless this unfairness be remedied, a revolution, peaceful or otherwise, is sure to bring the system eventually to an end.

      This gross disproportion in the distribution of the products of human effort is not what one would have expected. The thought which would naturally stimulate all men to combine and put forth their best efforts for the increase of commodities would be that, after the wants of those most favourably located with reference to the sources of production were supplied, the surplus stream of products would automatically flow on to satisfy those who were less advantageously placed. This expectation might, for a time at least, keep the latter class diligently working at the increase of wealth in mass, particularly if that expectation were kept alive by artfully prepared "prosperity" reports, and by statistics showing the great improvement in the condition of "the working man." But there must inevitably come a time when it will be impossible longer to disguise the fact that the great surplusage of wealth, which is the boast of the age, and which results from the labour of the working man, does not overflow the reservoirs of those who employ that labour. Those reservoirs are, in fact, capable of indefinite expansion; and, moreover, it invariably happens that, before they could by any possibility overflow, production receives one of those mysterious periodical checks which cause an enforced relaxation of effort on all hands. [208]

      The phenomena of financial "panics" and industrial upheavals, followed by periods of "depression," are another striking characteristic of the existing economic order. Of the many groups of financiers and students of economics, the Socialists alone seem to have been able to furnish anything like a plausible explanation of these strange events. Whether or not the remedy proposed by Socialism would correct these evils, or whether, in correcting them, it would introduce others as bad or worse, is not our present concern. But it is very pertinent to notice the explanation which the Socialists advance to account for these industrial phenomena, because this explanation, which is being more and more widely accepted, argues the downfall of the present economic system.

      It has been observed that the strange phenomenon called "over-production," whereby the stores, markets, and warehouses become glutted with surplus products of labour for which there are no purchasers, invariably occurs at a time when there is a very large class of people who are actually suffering for the need of those very products, and that this needy class includes many of those whose labour has produced such surplus commodities. That suffering should be caused in consequence of the existence of a shortage of the things upon which life and comfort depend, would be intelligible. But how does it come about that destitution and need result from the existence in the [209] community of too much of these needful things? By what strange contradiction of the logic of cause and effect does it come about that the existence of a superfluity of the products of labour has the effect of curtailing the power of the labourers to purchase those things which they have produced in superabundant quantity, and for the lack of which they are suffering? Apparently the producers of wealth are curtailed as to their purchasing power as a punishment for their productivity. Their punishment for having produced too much is that they get too little for their own needs. At least this is the idea that is being persistently impressed upon their minds.

      That which is to be explained, then, is a paradox, composed of two elements--namely, first, that the wealth-producers periodically deprive themselves of the power to purchase the things needful for life or comfort; and second, that they do this by producing too great a quantity of those very things.

      Now the Socialists say that the cause of this strange phenomenon is to be found in the existing economic system, which they call "Capitalism"; and that the evil complained of can only be removed by abolishing that system. It is not the fault, they say, of the capitalist, but of the system. They insist that the system is vicious, and that its operation is outrageously unjust to those whose labour produces the wealth for which all are striving. The vice of the system, they say, is that it is organized to produce commodities solely for the sake of the profits gained by the [210] numerically small capitalist class; whereas it should he organized for the purpose of supplying human needs. Under the existing system, production ceases when the things produced can no longer be manufactured "at a profit"; whereas under the proposed Socialistic system (as yet untried), production would, in theory at least, continue so long as there remained any human wants unsatisfied. Under the present system the capitalist class controls all the machinery of production and distribution-mills, factories, power-plants, raw material, railroads, steamboats, etc., and the only incentive which the owners of these appliances have for operating them is to add to their own gains. When conditions occur (as they are bound to do so long as the existing system of "Capitalism" remains) wherein the appliances of production cannot be operated at a profit, then production is checked, trade sharply declines, factories are shut down, and on all sides the capitalists "economize" by discharging hands until "times get better" for them.

      The Socialist therefore proposes to abolish capital and profits, and to establish a social order wherein wealth, produced by the joint efforts of all men, should be for the benefit of all. Unquestionably such a change, if it were possible to effect it, would be beneficial to the majority of men, and if desirable there is no reason whatever why, in a democratic society, the change should not be made, or at least be attempted. If the will of the majority be the supreme law, then the majority may rightfully abolish [211] Capitalism and introduce Socialism whenever they will so to do.

      But the explanation as thus far given is incomplete. It yet remains to be explained why "panics" and their accompanying miseries are necessary characteristics of the present economic system. To this question the Socialist has a ready answer, and one which, unless a better can be advanced, is bound to gain an acceptance sufficiently general to produce important social changes. His answer is substantially as follows:--

      In the first place, the labourer receives in wages an amount of money on an average a little less than half (instead of the whole) of the actual value imparted by his labour to the material upon which he works. As this statement is deduced from United States census reports, it may be accepted as at least approximately accurate. The other fifty per cent. (plus) goes as "profits" to the capitalists. We may therefore regard the wealth produced in any given period of time as being divided about equally between the capitalists and the producers. These gains, thus equally divided, constitute the purchasing power of two classes respectively. But the purchasing power of the capitalists is shared among a very few individuals, while that of the labourers must be divided among a great many, so that of the latter class each individual's share is relatively insignificant.

      But another point has to be stated, and then the explanation is easily grasped. Under the present [212] system of doing business the cost of selling an article is greater (sometimes much greater) than that of making it. This selling cost must, of course, be added to the retail price of the article; so that, when the individual labourer comes to use his gains for making purchases (the only thing they are really good for), he can get in return for them manufactured goods to the value of only half (or less than half) that of their retail purchase price. Hence when the worker comes to spend his wages in buying some of the things which be and other workers have made, and for which they received wages to only half the market value of their work, he can buy with his wages only about half what they should purchase. Stated in other words, the working man when considered as a "producer" receives, in the form of wages, only half the value of what he produces; and when considered as a "consumer" of the products of himself and other labourers, he is able to purchase with his wages only about half their actual equivalent in commodities. The net result is that the purchasing power of the labourers, as a class, is contracted to about one-fourth of what they produce.

      Now, since the labouring class constitutes far the greater part of the purchasing public, or the "market" for the things it produces, it is inevitable that, during times of business activity, production should gain rapidly on consumption, until a crisis arises. The very rich few cannot possibly, with all their wastefulness, consume the surplus products which the [213] labourers have to deny themselves. The rich few are unable to consume the products, though able to purchase them; whereas the many poor are able to consume but unable to buy them.

      The result is that the "business world," after a long period of "prosperity," is one day awakened suddenly, to the fact that there is a glut of commodities on hand; the disappearance of profits frightens the manufacturers into a sharp curtailment of output; the banks, knowing from bitter experience what is about to happen, refuse to lend money, since no "interest" can be paid them by borrowers unless profits are first earned; and thus a "panic" is brought about. Of course, the capitalist must cease making goods when there is no profit in making them; and thereupon, quite naturally, he discharges workmen and reduces wages, until the surplus stocks of goods on the market are disposed of in some manner. This brings about one of the financial and industrial panics, and the periods (more or less prolonged and severe) of business depression which follow them, and which, in every manufacturing centre, are marked by the presence of large numbers of workmen unable to secure employment, and for whom indeed there is none.

      There is no "civilized" country on earth that has not, at this present writing, its "unemployed" problem; and it may be remarked that this problem only arises in those countries where our boasted modern civilization has made its way.

      To what result, then, are these giant industrial [214] forces tending? That they are working up to a world-wide crisis of some sort, is patent to every one who gives to the situation a moment's serious consideration. The forces now developing and concentrating into definite lines of effort are becoming uncontrollable, and are threatening soon to burst through all existing governmental, social, and moral restraints. A new social order of some sort seems inevitable, and that at no distant day. But the question to which we are seeking an answer is this: What kind of an economic system is to take the place of the existing social institutions, after these shall have been demolished?

      What is happening before our eyes, in this economic field of human activity, is the separation of mankind into two classes, and the widening of the gulf between them. One class owns, and is ever tightening its hold upon, the means of production and distribution of that wealth which is the supreme object of human aspiration and effort. The other class, which has only its labour to sell, and can find a market for that only when the capitalists can use it to their own advantage, is being ever more rigidly held down to wages which (under the steadily increasing cost of living) afford but a bare, and at best precarious, subsistence. Wealth, and the power it wields, are being concentrated into fewer and fewer hands. But along with this concentration of wealth is the fact that the labouring class is constantly gaining force numerically, as well as gaining power through the more intelligent [215] comprehension of the unfairness of existing conditions. Unless a solution of the growing antagonism between these two classes be found, a clash between them is inevitable. Such, at least, is the openly-expressed opinion of intelligent and competent observers of social phenomena. Which side will prevail? And will the result be the absolute Despotism of Wealth, or will it be Socialism?

      As we look abroad upon the tremendous efforts which men are making to better their condition through the manufacture of "things," and as we take notice of the very unequal distribution of the things which result from these efforts, we would naturally inquire what remedies are being canvassed for the cure of this great and manifest evil. The answer to such inquiry would be that there is at present only one remedy now before the people for their consideration, and which offers any hope of escape from this gross injustice. That proposed remedy is the untried system called Socialism. Apparently the "sovereign people" have only the alternative of continuing with the present system of "Capitalism," or displacing it by some form of "Socialism."

      This system challenges our closest attention for various reasons.

      Socialism is the only human system which offers a [216] new social order to replace that now in existence. It thus stands alone in proposing a solution of what is recognized as the great problem of the age.

      It is proper at this point to let a moderate Socialist speak of the conditions which Socialism proposes to remedy, in order that our readers may see just how the social problem is viewed from that standpoint. The following quotations are from Mr. H. W. Laidler, in Wayland's Monthly. Mr. Laidler states the social or economic problem from the point of view of an American Socialist:

      "Every age presents for solution some mighty problem. Now the religious, now the political, now the social question demands undivided attention. In the age in which we live that which is uppermost in the minds of men is the social or economic question--the question of the just distribution of the products of mankind.

      "The reason for this is not far to seek. The last one hundred years have witnessed the industrial revolution of the ages; the progress from individual production to social production, thus making possible the creation of ten- twenty- one hundred-fold more wealth with the expenditure of the same amount of energy. That this increased productivity has taken place is indisputable, but that the mass of the nation's workers have been materially benefited by this industrial revolution is a matter of serious dispute--and the attempt of the worker to obtain a larger and [217] juster share of the product of labour constitutes the modern Labour Question."

      We would call the reader's attention to the statement that the mighty problem of this age is "the just distribution of the products of mankind." This obviously is of the nature of a religious problem as well as an economic problem, and its very existence heralds the advent of a system which shall be both religious and economic.

      "It was Henry George who said that if a man of the eighteenth century--a Priestley or a Franklin--could have seen as in a vision this marvellous progress in industry, 'his heart would have leaped, and his nerves would have thrilled, as one who from a height beholds, just ahead of the thirst-stricken caravan, the living gleam of rustling woods and the glint of laughing waters. He would, in the sight of his imagination, have seen new forces lifting the very poorest above the possibility of want.'

      "And with reason would such high expectation be aroused; but sadly the present-day facts of civilization dash them completely to the earth. For along with this evolution from individual to social production has come a transfer of ownership of the tools and machinery of production from the mass of workers to a few immensely wealthy capitalists. This concentration has proceeded so rapidly that already six thousand multi-millionaires and billionaires own one-fourth of [218] the nation's wealth; one per cent. of our population possesses more than the other ninety-nine per cent. And to this one per cent. the whole industrial, social, political, and even the intellectual and ethical life of the nation is becoming completely subservient. How true are the statements of Bishop Spaulding upon this question: 'If the present methods continue, a few individuals and trusts will soon control the means of production and distribution, and this in an era in which money is the mightiest force of social influence and dominion. To those few individuals and corporations will belong an authority and power greater than any history makes known--an authority and power which are both incompatible with political liberty and popular institutions.'"

  *     *     *     *     *     *  

      "But modern civilization presents another side. Facing the six thousand multi-millionaires, abounding in luxury and power, are the ten millions of people suffering the pangs of poverty--poorly sheltered, under-fed, under-clothed. Complementary with those who obtain millions without any productive toll, are the mass of unskilled workers whose greatest exertion brings scarcely enough to keep body and soul together; are the two millions of the nation's sons denied during half the year the opportunity to earn a [219] livelihood; are the tens of thousands of mothers in the heat and grime of sweat-shops and the death-dealing tenements 'sewing at once with a double thread a shroud as well as a shirt'; are the seventeen hundred thousand little children of school age who are refused the right of an education, forced into the dismal, poisonous atmosphere of factory, shop, and mine, and there compelled to coin their little lives into glittering gold for moneyed aristocracy."

  *     *     *     *     *     *  

      "These are the facts. What is their meaning to the rich--what to the poor? To the rich, this enormous wealth means magnificent palaces, gorgeous wardrobes, rare and precious jewelry; it means monkey and baboon dinners at which money flows as freely as water, at which terrapin is daintily eaten from silver canoes with golden spoons, and trust stocks are lavishly distributed as souvenirs of the occasion. It means a life where real values are lost and where money is God. To the poor, poverty means foul hovels, reeking--ah, too often!--with vermin and disease, filthy rags as substitutes for clothing, a life of forced ignorance, of stunted body, mind, and soul, an existence of sickness, crime, and death.

      "'Wealth and poverty, millionaires and beggars, castles and caves, luxury and squalor, [220] painted parasites on the boulevard and painted poverty among the red lights.' This is but a suggestion of the social abyss--of the social wrongs which must be righted."

      The writer from whom we have just quoted, looks, of course, to Man himself to bring deliverance out of these grievous conditions; and he appeals to "the college student" to do his part in leading people onward to the golden age of humanity--the UNIVERSAL BROTHERHOOD of Men. He says in conclusion:--

      "Then in the name of justice, truth, and liberty--in the name of suffering humanity--in the name of the Master Servant of the ages, beholding in the full this human inferno, may the college student do his part in blazing forth to society the intricate pathway of social progress, and in leading the people onward toward the golden age of humanity--the universal brotherhood of men."

      These extracts are fair samples of the statements and appeals by means of which the principles of Socialism are being propagated the world over. Our chief interest in them, for present purposes, lies in the disclosure they clearly make of the fact that this great movement, while aiming at the material welfare of humanity by a world-wide consolidation of human beings and human interests, is essentially religious in character. [221]

      Socialism is gaining favour rapidly in many quarters, and its claims are receiving recognition by persons of influence well able to propagate its doctrines.

      There are, of course, many varieties of Socialism, and there are doctrines which necessarily belong to a socialistic community (such as that relating to marriage, of which we will speak later on) which are wholly repudiated by many who now advocate the purely economic doctrines of Socialism. We shall therefore treat "Socialism" generally, as meaning those prominent principles held and advocated by nearly all who call themselves "Socialists." As to those features of Socialism which are obnoxious to many zealous Socialists of to-day, it is necessary only to say that the acceptance at the present time of a part of the programme of Socialism will make it easy for the rising generation to accept the whole of that programme.

      Socialism is notably gaining favour among the clergy of various denominations. It is stated that upwards of two hundred clergymen in the vicinity of New York City have signed a paper committing themselves to the main principles of Socialism, though not ready as yet to avow themselves openly as Socialists, because of a lingering prejudice which still clings to the name.

      At the recent Pan-Anglican Conference in England (1908) the principles of Socialism were earnestly [222] advocated, and met with a decidedly sympathetic reception. Among the Resolutions there introduced were the following:--

      "The Conference recognizes the ideals of brotherhood which underlie the Democratic Movement of this century"; and that

      "The social mission and social principles of Christianity should be given a more prominent place in the study and teaching of the Church."

      This spread of Socialist principles among the clergy accomplishes several important results. In the first place, it strongly tends to impart to industrialism a religious aspect--thus tending towards the fulfilment of prophecy in making the production and distribution of wealth a matter of religion. Furthermore, it furnishes a live principle, tending to unify members of the different dying denominations of Christendom. And finally, it furnishes to ministers who do not preach "the Gospel of God concerning His Son" a theme of universal interest, which, if ably discussed, is sure to hold the attention of their congregations.

      A circular lately issued by the "Christian Socialist Fellowship," quotes the following passage from the last annual address of Miss Frances E. Willard, founder of the Woman's Christian Temperance Union, showing the gain of Socialism in that direction:--

      "What the Socialist desires is that the corporation of humanity should control all production. Beloved comrades, this is the higher way. It [223] eliminates the motives for a selfish life; it enacts into our every-day life the ethics of Christ's Gospel. Nothing else can bring the glad day of UNIVERSAL BROTHERHOOD. It is Christianity applied."

      A system which can thus be strongly advocated as "Christianity applied," while it is at the same time advocated by the most outspoken enemies of Christ, is certainly a thing to be seriously reckoned with.

      What chiefly renders Socialism an object of interest to us at the present time is the fact that it proposes to bring about that very consolidation of all human interests, both material and spiritual, which prophecy leads us to expect as the consummation of all the prodigious energies and activities of "Man's Day." We cannot fail to be deeply impressed by the fact that there is now looming large upon the near horizon, and increasing in size at a very rapid rate, a System, both religious and economic, presenting exactly those main features of that Great Consolidation which were impressed upon the Apostle John, and which he, by Divine inspiration, wrote down in order that believers should be enabled to identify it as the masterpiece of Satan.

      Socialism is not merely the creed of a political party having certain reforms to advocate. Nor is it merely a school of political economy having certain financial [224] and economic policies to propose. It is essentially a religion; for its basis is the universal brotherhood of man, and the cardinal feature of its creed is faith in the inherent power of Consolidated Humanity to rid itself of all ills and miseries. To this end it proposes to abolish capitalism, and also the private ownership of the appliances of production (land, machinery, railroads, etc.), and to consolidate all mankind, and all human interests, into one vast organization. This organization will be a Federation, or Society, or State, wherein all men will be on an absolute equality, and the interests of one shall be the interest of all. It proposes to deal comprehensively, and for the benefit of all alike, with all methods of production, with all produce of the fields and mines and products of the factories, with all appliances for the manufacture and production of commodities of every sort, and with all inventions and discoveries. All this is based upon the sacredness of human rights; and the predominant characteristic of the movement is avowedly religious. It is the very embodiment of that great rising Religion which has now confronted us many times in the course of this inquiry,--the religion of Humanism.

      The "Christian Socialist Fellowship," to which reference has already been made, has the following for its avowed object:--

      "Its object shall be to permeate Churches, Denominations, and other Religious Institutions with the Social Message of Jesus; to show that [225] Socialism is the Necessary Economic Expression of the Christian Life; to end the Class Struggle by establishing Industrial Democracy, and to hasten the Reign of Justice and Brotherhood upon Earth."

      The body of the circular says:--

      "Not one man in a hundred believes that the teachings of Jesus can be applied in every-day practice. Socialists do.

      And the circular offers the services of "a clergyman" to any gatherings who wish to hear an address on the subject of Christian Socialism, naming several prominent ministers and offering "many others, including all the leading denominations."

      Thus the sacred human Name of the Divine Redeemer is being used to advance the cause of Socialism, and to secure an entrance for its principles into Christian Churches. The Name of Christ, too, is coupled directly with that of Socialism (in the term "Christian Socialism") as an effectual means of offsetting the prejudice which attaches to the latter.

      Whatever, therefore, may be the ultimate fate of Socialism as a system, it is certainly doing great service in fulfilling prophecy by "permeating the Churches" with the ideal of a religious system which makes the distribution of wealth its chief concern, a system which has no hope to offer of the Kingdom of God with Christ Jesus reigning in justice and righteousness on earth; but substitutes therefore the [226] "Reign of Justice and Brotherhood upon the Earth."

      The rapid spread of Socialism among the clergy has also resulted in securing for the advocacy of its principles the immense advantage of a body of men trained to public speaking, whose utterances are invested with a certain authority, and who live at the expense of their congregations. It has also secured the further advantage of the free use of buildings in which people are accustomed to gather in the expectation of hearing what will be conducive to their highest welfare. Thus the people who are to be converted to Socialism are made to bear the expense of the campaign planned and carried on to that end. Surely there is satanic cleverness in this.

      Mr. Arnold White in The Future of Britain speaks of the transfer of energy from theology to politics, which is now going on, and of the part which the "proletarian movement" (i. e. Socialism) is performing in effecting this transfer of energy. He says:--

      "The decay of faith that marks the proletarian movement of Europe is accompanied by a general transfer of energy from theology to politics. All forms of Christianity have produced, and still produce, individual lives of saintly perfection, but Christianity, in the sense of its Founder, has as little in common with Europe as with Asia."

      "The dry rot of Sacerdotalism becomes daily more apparent as the Free Church pastors abandon the spiritual for the political arena." [227]

      "The new doctrine of anti-militarism has been imposed on Christianity by the clerics, who, having lost their influence as theologians, would fain recover it as politicians."

      "We must admit that, after nineteen centuries of Christianity, in Christendom, with its commerce, competition, and coercion, Christ's followers are few.¹ His teachings are impossible except as ideals. If He were to appear in the flesh, He could not call Himself a Christian."

      Mr. White further says:--

      "There is abundant evidence that a spiritual wave, proceeding from the unrest of the world, is rolling in upon us."

      "For good or evil, the Evangelical and Calvinistic schools are dying out; but popular faith is not replaced by popular science."

      What, then, is replacing it? Mr. White says that--

      "In their souls' thirst men seek relief in the religion of psychical phenomena. The spread of Christian Science among the comfortable classes is an advertisement of the indelibility of the religious instinct."

      "Christian Science" (so-called) and "the religion of psychical phenomena" are forms of Humanism; but they are adapted only to what Mr. White calls the "comfortable classes." The uncomfortable classes, and those who aspire to lead them, are taking up with [228] that more practical species of Humanism which is the religious foundation of the great socialistic movement.

      Yet this candid writer confesses that "the ideal of Christ is the only ideal that has ever satisfied the soul of man."

      Thus, when we contemplate Socialism, we behold an economic system founded upon the broad basis of the welfare of Humanity as a whole, and one which is gaining favour in many parts of the religious field; and when we look to the end of Socialism, we see clearly the outlines of a huge, world-wide, all-embracing Monopoly.

      It has been remarked that the alternative now presented to society is either to continue with the present economic system, "Capitalism," remedying its obnoxious features so far as possible, or to abolish it and experiment with Socialism.

      But it is appropriate at this point to call attention to the fact that Capitalism itself is not stationary, but, on the contrary, is advancing at a rapid rate; and particularly is it appropriate to note the important fact that, if we look to the end towards which the existing economic system is hastening, we likewise behold the outlines of a huge, world-wide, all-embracing Monopoly.

      It seems to the writer to be a fact of tremendous [229] significance that, whichever of the two economic routes now open to humanity may be chosen, it leads ultimately to a, complete Consolidation, Federation, or Monopoly.

      Socialism is agitating for a Monopoly which shall be composed of all mankind--"Society" in a word--and which shall control and operate, for the benefit of all mankind, the land, natural resources, machinery, and methods which are used in the making and distribution of commodities.

      Capitalism, meanwhile, is swiftly advancing towards a complete Monopoly which shall control all business enterprises; and, in fact, is accomplishing this advance by degrees, the process of its accomplishment being the consolidation of corporations in various lines of business into Syndicates or Trusts, and these into still larger Trusts. Notwithstanding reactionary movements of various kinds, governmental opposition and adverse legislation, this process of consolidation goes steadily on; and its inevitable end, if not interrupted, must obviously be the formation of a single, all-embracing Monopoly.

      This end of the present tendencies of Capitalism has been clearly in view for several decades, and has been frequently pointed out by those who have no knowledge whatever of the predictions of Scripture to which we have referred. As an example of this expectation a few quotations from a prominent writer on Socialist themes will be given. The following [230] passage was published in 1889 (twenty years ago) and is by the Editor of Wilshire's Magazine:--

      "The process of concentration is irresistible and inevitable. . . . That this latter process of concentration is now going on, is exemplified by the buying up of the Cotton Seed Oil Trust, and very recently the White Lead Trust, by the Rockefeller people.

      "It is the big fish eating the little fish, the survival of the fittest; and the logical end must be that every industry in this country will finally be owned and controlled by ONE HUGE TRUST."

      Much has happened since these words were written, and every pertinent event has tended to confirm the prediction which they record. The steady advance of industrialism along the lines of concentration and merger, in order to eliminate the waste of competition, has brought mankind very much nearer to the predicted Monopoly. Other factors besides the elimination of wasteful competition are operating to secure this result, though that doubtless supplies the main motive-power of the movement. The pride and ambition of man also urge it on; for those who succeed in getting "control" of a particular line of industry, and succeed in organizing it into a vast machine for returning profits to themselves, are stimulated by that success to reach out for the control of other industries; and their profits furnish the "capital" needed for this purpose. This has brought into existence certain "groups" of associated industries, [231] controlled by the same "interests," which are well known, and which have names by which they are identified in financial circles; though for prudential reasons they have not actually assumed the form of a single consolidated enterprise.

      The idea of bigness, is another stimulating notion of the day. For some reason, not easy to define, the mere fact of bulk in any human work seems to evoke man's wonder and admiration. The size of steam-vessels, the height of buildings, the length of railway trains, and the like, furnish figures which have an abiding relish for the modern man, who seems to read in them the dimensions of his own greatness. For this reason the size of the Steel Trust, and the extent of its operations, form the theme of admiring comment, to the extent even of suppressing any undesirable curiosity on the part of the general public as to how the interests of the community are affected by the existence, influence and sustenance of that gigantic institution.

      Thirteen years after the above-quoted passage, which predicted that present industrial tendencies must inevitably lead to the formation of one huge Trust, the same writer, in commenting upon changes then taking place in a certain group of leading industries, said:--

      "These industries, owing to the plethora of capital, are already at the point of crystallization into monopolies, and the advent of such an [232] unprecedented flood of money" (as would come, for example, from the Government purchase of the railroads) "would not only complete the process, but would cause the amalgamation of all the trusts into one huge organization, THE COMING TRUST OF TRUSTS."

      It may be observed at this point that the process by which this "Coming Trust of Trusts" is being brought into existence is, in large measure, automatic; that is to say, it proceeds without direct human design or volition. But it is difficult to suppose that any orderly sequence of events, indicating purpose and leading to a definite result, can proceed apart from a directing Intelligence capable of planning it, and an operating Power capable of carrying the plan into effect. It is reasonable, therefore, to assume that there is a mighty Being back of all these movements in human affairs. And this is also to be inferred from the further fact that these movements continue their progress without interruption, though generation after generation of human beings pass away without beholding the end towards which they are steadily tending. The great inclusive process, whereof these economic movements are but special phases, may properly be called a process of "Evolution"; and this process is observable everywhere in human affairs, and nowhere else in the observable universe.² [233]

      These considerations seem to leave us no alternative but to conclude that it is the spirit who is directing human destinies, "the spirit that now works in the children of disobedience, who is carrying on the evolutionary process to an end coveted by himself; and since we know that Satan's aim is to secure to himself the worship which belongs to God, it is not surprising that we should find the intellectual part of modern society actually attributing Divine power to Evolution. Further reference will be made to this.

      But the Bible, in foretelling the coming of the "Trust of Trusts," the great Religious and Industrial Monopoly, speaks also of the coming of a great Leader, having endowments of such extraordinary kind as shall enable him to grasp and direct its prodigious energies and complicated affairs.

      Likewise, in the anticipations of present-day society, we find, in association with the expectation of the great Syndicate, that of the coming of the great leader, the "Superman." For the advent of this fearful being the minds of men are being prepared in various ways. We quote further from Mr. Wilshire, first to show the expectation that the great sociological change is close at hand:--

      "We are now swinging on the hinge of destiny. We are in the transition stage of the greatest sociological event that history has yet recorded. Let him who runs read."

      But this change is not to be merely industrial and [234] political, a mere re-arrangement of the distribution of wealth. It is, in its essence, a religious upheaval. Thus, our commentator tells us that the end towards which the mighty social movements are sweeping is--

      "the greatest the mind of man can conceive,--the perfect relation of perfected man to a perfected universe--the birth of the SUPERMAN. The striving for this is RELIGION. It is the true worship of God."

      And again:--

      Man must be united to humanity in an organization at once perfectly democratic and perfectly autocratic. With this advent all humanity will be at one with God, and every man will be a god."

      In describing the coming organization as one in which all men are united, and as being at once perfectly democratic and perfectly autocratic, this writer has, with marvellous precision and conciseness, stated the prominent identifying characteristics of the system of Antichrist as given in the prophetic Scriptures. The features of this system, upon which emphasis is there laid, are its universal or world-wide extent; its inclusion of both the spiritual and material interests of mankind; its perfectly democratic character in that the entire mass of humanity are on the same level; its perfectly autocratic character in that it is absolutely controlled and directed by the Superman, Antichrist; and finally, its exaltation of Man [235] to the place of God, thereby fulfilling the promise which lured the human race into its long career, now rapidly nearing an end, namely, the promise "Ye shall not surely die: . . . ye shall be as God."

      This result is now so close at hand that a mere observer of current events, laying no claim to any prophetic gift, can describe its leading features with clearness and accuracy.

      Thus, again we have occasion to remind ourselves that, whenever we follow one of the present-day movements to its end, we arrive at the same result, namely, Man exalted by his own achievements to the supreme place. Whenever we count the number, it is "the Number of MAN."

      Certain it is, then, that mankind is rapidly approaching the great economic change from industrial competition to industrial monopoly. Every active agency operating at this time in human affairs, whether religious or commercial, is helping it along. Whether Society shall capture the Trusts (as the Socialists fondly anticipate): or whether the Trusts (consolidated into the "Trust of Trusts") shall capture Society: or whether the antagonistic systems shall collide in a mutually destructive conflict, or unite in a peaceful confluence out of which the final System is to emerge: the result in any case will inevitably be the Religio-Commercial Prodigy, the Churchified Industrial Monopoly, over which the "Superman" will exercise his brief but absolute sway. [236]

      At this point it will be appropriate to cite the testimony of another competent witness, one who "calls himself a Socialist," who has "gone into it personally, and has studied the Socialist movement closely and intimately at first hand." This witness is the well-known writer, Mr. H. G. Wells, than whom there is, perhaps, none more competent to discuss social problems in a broad way. Mr. Wells is, moreover, by reason of his high intelligence and great candour, entitled to a respectful hearing. He has given in his book, New Worlds for Old, an exceedingly lucid, readable, and non-technical exposition of a very mild type of Socialism.

      The feature of Mr. Wells' book which chiefly concerns us is his clear recognition and forceful statement of the fact that, in order to the establishment and maintenance of the "ideal Socialist state," there must be a competent directing Head, endowed with intelligence--of an order such as no human being has ever yet possessed.

      If, then, Mr. Wells is right in this important particular, it will be necessary, before mankind can enjoy the blessings of ideal Socialism, first, that the requisite intellectual genius be developed; and second, that the affairs of collective humanity be completely subordinated to its authority. Moreover, in this view of the matter, the continuance of Socialism, after it has [237] once been established, will be possible only upon the condition that the required, and as yet undeveloped, directing intelligence be renewed from generation to generation, and be permanently entrusted with the responsibilities of government.

      Mr. Wells says, without qualification, that what is needed for the realization of the Socialist's ideals is--

      "the collective mind of humanity, the soul and moral being of mankind" (p. 277).

      Again he says:--

      "Now it is only under an intelligent collective mind that any of the dreams of these constructive professions can attain an effective realization" (p. 281).

      And he shows great discernment in saying of the "classic Socialism" of Karl Marx, that "it has no psychology." That would be, indeed, a fatal lack in any economic system that is to command the approval of the influential sections of the community.

      It is not entirely clear just what Mr. Wells means by the "collective mind of humanity," and perhaps he does not quite know himself, seeing that the thing does not as yet exist, or at least has not yet been localized. But it is clear enough that Mr. Wells perceives the need of superhuman intellectual endowments for the proper management of the affairs of a consolidated Humanity. Some towering genius must be at the head of such a system if it is not to fall immediately to pieces. The "collective responsibility," incident to the "collective ownership" of all [238] land and public utilities, certainly demands a corresponding and commensurate "collective intelligence." Where, then, is it to come from; and, when it arrives, how is it to secure authority over the affairs of "collective humanity"?

      Mr. Wells suggests that the needed intelligence is to be developed by teaching; and he defines "Human Nature" as a plastic, "teachable" thing (p. 219). But this suggestion raises the further questions--What sort of doctrine is required for the development of the collective intelligence? Whence are to come the teachers who are to instruct the people therein? And what force will constrain the "sovereign people" to submit to such instruction until the collective intelligence shall have been developed? The answers to these questions are by no means obvious.

      Mr. Wells is not a Socialist of the ordinary fatalistic sort--one that regards the coming of Socialism as the inevitable outworking of a blind and impersonal evolutionary process. On the contrary, he plainly discerns and clearly describes some very formidable obstacles in its path. The first of these has been already noticed, namely, the lack of the intellectual ability and capacity required for the management of the "ideal Socialist State,"--that gigantic and complex political institution that is to own, develop, administer, and operate all land and industries incident thereto (mining, agriculture, etc.), and all public utilities, to supervise the health of the entire community, to superintend the education of children, etc. [239]

      Then again, Mr. Wells is keen enough to see, and frank enough to say, that one of the chief obstacles in the way of the organization and proper management of such a stupendous and complicated institution as the "Socialistic State," lies in the present constitution of human nature. As to this he says:--

      "With people just as they are now, with their prejudices, their ignorances, their misapprehensions, their unchecked vanities and greeds and jealousies, their crude and misguided instincts, their irrational traditions, NO SOCIALIST STATE CAN EXIST, no better State can exist than the one we now have with all its squalor and cruelty" (p. 219).

      This is a great deal for a Socialist to admit; and it is quite enough, we should suppose, to destroy Mr. Wells' influence with the masses of the "sovereign people." Moreover, since Mr. Wells so clearly perceives that no better social order than that we now have is possible so long as human nature remains what it now is, we should expect him to reach the logical conclusion that an essential pre-requisite to the attainment of his ideal State is a change of human nature. But he quite illogically concludes from his premises that what is needed by humanity is, not a change of nature, but a "change of ideas" (p. 219).

      What Mr. Wells says in effect is, that "the people" have the right to the ownership of all land, public utilities, productive appliances, etc., and have the right to govern their affairs, but that they are as yet [240] unfit to be invested with these rights, because (1) so long as human nature remains what it now is, no better State is possible than that which now exists; and (2) collective humanity lacks the "collective intelligence," which is absolutely needed for the management of such a vast and intricate social system as the Socialists propose. And Mr. Wells knows of no way of effecting the needed change in human nature, and, of developing the needed "collective intelligence," except by sound teaching.

      Now this manifestly presupposes--first, that teachers are available and ready to teach just the sound and fruitful doctrine (whatever it may be, Mr. Wells does not formulate it) that will effect the desired transformation of human nature, and that will also develop the collective intelligence which is the sine qua non of Socialism; and second, that the "Sovereign people" will be pleased to listen to the teachers of this (as yet unidentified) doctrine, turning a deaf ear to all others, until such time (how many years or centuries we are not told) as may be required to accomplish the above stated results. But it is quite certain that the people, being "just as they are now, with their prejudices, their ignorances," etc., as described by Mr. Wells, will not hear of any such delay in the assumption and enjoyment by them of their "rights," and will not submit to the schooling of teachers such as Mr. Wells refers to--if any such there be. One of the "rights" of which the sovereign [241] people are most jealous, and which they have learned to exercise most freely, is the right to just such teaching as pleases their itching ears.

      There is no lack of teachers and teaching of this sort. Accordingly, the people "heap to themselves teachers" because they have "itching ears"; and they teach the acceptable doctrine that the people have not only the right to assume the ownership of all property for the benefit of collective humanity, but that they have also the wisdom and intelligence needed for the proper administration of the ideal Socialist state.

      Mr. Wells, however, is right; and for that reason his message will not be heeded. For how may we expect that they shall do wisely who admittedly lack wisdom? The" collective humanity," as it now exists, does indeed lack both the character and the intelligence needed for the maintenance of an ideal social order. Nevertheless, Mr. Wells allies himself with those who promulgate the popular doctrine, of the "rights of man," thus using his influence to precipitate the crisis wherewith society is now menaced, namely, that of being subject to force divorced from wisdom--absolute power without the intelligence needed for its proper use. Nothing worse could well be imagined.

      But we have not yet mentioned the ultimate agency in which Mr. Wells confides for the accomplishment of the radical transformation which he rightly deems to be a necessary preliminary to the introduction of Socialism; and here we get a peep at Mr. Wells' [242] religion. For the performance of this great work he looks hopefully to what be calls the "Good Will" in man. It is quite evident that, to this indefinite and shadowy agency, Mr. Wells, in his soul (which is plainly not devoid of reverence) attributes the power of a god, and he therefore reverentially writes its name with initial capitals. He sees in human conduct and human history the manifestations of a force that is "constantly working to make order out of casualty; beauty out of confusion; justice, kindliness, mercy, out of cruelty and inconsiderate pressure." We might properly join issue with this statement, inasmuch as the "force" to which Mr. Wells here refers is simply the influence exerted in human society by Christianity and the Gospel. But that is, for the moment, beside the question, for we are just now seeking the agency invoked by Mr. Wells to prepare the way for Socialism. Of this alleged "force" he says:--

      "For our present purpose it will be sufficient to speak of this force that struggles and tends to make and do as GOOD WILL" (p. 5).

      "There is a secular amelioration of life, and it is brought about by GOOD WILL working through the efforts of men" (p. 7).

      "There is no untutored naturalness in Socialism, no uneducated blind force on our side" (then clearly Mr. Wells' god is not Evolution). "Socialism is made of struggling GOOD WILL, made out of a conflict of wills" (p. 219). [243]

      And the introduction of Socialism will be a task demanding all the energies of this deity; for, says Mr. Wells--

      "if we really contemplate Socialism as our achievement, to impose guiding ideas and guiding habits, we have to co-ordinate all the Good Will that is active or latent in our world in one constructive plan" (p. 219).

      We need not dwell longer upon this. If Socialism is to await the transformation of human nature, and the development of the "collective intelligence," and if these great achievements are to be accomplished by the co-ordination of all the Good Will (active or latent) in our world, in one constructive plan, it will never come. There is, in that case, no more to be feared from Mr. Wells' Socialism than from his Martians. One is just as much the product of his fertile imagination as were the others. Unhappily, the Socialism which now menaces humanity is that which is propagated by appealing, not to the good will, but to the ill will in man. This is an appeal which is sure of a response. The masses of mankind are easily moved to envy and hatred of the prosperous classes. So long as people are "just as they now are, with their prejudices, their ignorances, and their unchecked vanities, and greeds, and jealousies," the appeals which will move them to the extent necessary to bring about a social revolution, are those addressed to their prejudices, their ignorances, their vanities, [244] greeds, and jealousies. The Socialism which is propagated by appeals of this sort is the 'Socialism that is to be feared.

      We quoted above the statement recently made by Mr. Alexander Graham Bell, that "competition as an element in business is going out, and monopolies, which are opposed to competition, are coming in." The recently-published views of this exceptionally competent observer of human affairs are worthy of further notice. Mr. Bell says:--

      "The destruction of competition by powerful organizations seems to be inevitable. It is probably the most characteristic feature of the age in which we live; and it seems to represent an advanced position in our civilization, reached by a gradual process of evolution with which man cannot cope."³

      This is a weighty testimony to the mightiness of that power which Mr. Bell calls "Evolution," and which has in hand the development of our scientific civilization. That man cannot cope with it, and that the destruction of competition by means of it seems inevitable, are propositions to which we must yield our assent. [245]

      Mr. Bell further says:--

      "A glance backward over the history of the struggle will assure us that these great and powerful organizations have come to stay."

      In view of the great menace to humanity to which the existence of these powerful organizations gives rise, Mr. Bell declares that:--

      "What to do with the Trusts has become the great problem of the age."

      But would it not be more logical to say that the great problem of the age is, "What are the Trusts going to do with us?" If these powerful organizations are the creations of that mighty god "Evolution," "with which man cannot cope," it would seem idle to ask what puny man is to do with them, and quite futile to formulate measures for dealing with them. The futility of such proceeding very clearly appears from consideration of the remedies which Mr. Bell discusses. There are, he thinks, only two possible remedies, either (1) to control by legislation the amount of profits the Trusts may be permitted to make; or (2) to buy them out, and let the Government run their business. The latter remedy is considered by Mr. Bell to be impracticable; and indeed it is far more probable that the Trusts will buy out (or capture) the Government and run its business. Mr. Bell therefore advocates the other remedy; but if this be the only recourse of society against the menace of the great monopolies, then there is practically no remedy at all. It is not possible for a [246] legislature either to ascertain or to limit the profits of a corporation; and, moreover, it is far easier for the monopolies to control the legislature, than for the legislature to control the monopolies.

      We may, therefore, count Mr. Bell among the competent witnesses who testify that the coming of the Great Monopoly is inevitable.

      It may be safely asserted, as a general proposition to which there are few exceptions, that every man who is not a "capitalist" would like to be one. The main ground of objection to capitalism as an economic system is simply that, under its operation, only a very few persons can become capitalists, all others being apparently foredoomed, by iron necessity, to lives of uncongenial and poorly requited labour, the fruits of which go to swell the profits of the limited capitalistic class.

      But, so long as this system continues to hold sway in the realm of economics, the enormous power which wealth confers upon its owners will remain in the hands of the capitalists; and it goes without saying that the instinct of self-preservation will impel them to use that power in every possible way for the maintenance of the system upon which depends their welfare, and all that their hearts may cherish and desire. It does not come within the scope of this work to discuss all the defensive measures which are being elaborated and used for the purpose of protecting the [247] present economic system against the menace of Socialism, and of establishing and extending its power and influence. The political discussions of the day afford sufficient information regarding the influence of the "vested interests" over legislatures and other governmental institutions, and regarding the manner in which that influence is being used.

      But the system is menaced by an internal danger, namely, the possibility that it may break down by reason of its very complexity and the extreme delicacy of its multifarious adjustments. These details are becoming so numerous and intricate as to be beyond the grasp of the ordinary human mind. They require for their mastery men of extraordinary genius, and genius of a new order. As the scope and intricacies of our economic system increase, that increase creates the I demand for men of corresponding capacity. If such men be not developed, the complicated, high-pressure, industrial machine, whose speed is ever accelerating, will most assuredly escape from the control of its managers, and dash itself to pieces.

      In view of this tendency, it is highly interesting to note the remarkable wisdom and foresight, displayed by some of our industrial leaders at this critical time, in making provision for the training and development of a new order of industrial geniuses. It is a notorious fact that the control of the educational machinery of the world is passing (if it has not already passed) into the hands of the capitalists. In fact, the [248] "higher education" has become a matter so costly as to be beyond the reach of all but a favoured few.

      Thus the "control" of the industrial machinery, and of the educational machinery, has come into the same hands; and those who grasp these great forces are intelligently and systematically planning for the "uniting of all movements for social progress."⁴ The friend who called my attention to this important development of our scientific civilization spoke of it as a "daring conception of the political economist"; and he very pertinently said: "When we consider that this conception emanates from the executive head of an organization of national and international influence, successful for many years in bringing religious and reform activities into unity; that this organization finds its supporters among the greatest capitalists of our day; and that the latter definitely plan to bring such a type of being as the 'Social Economist' into existence, one's interest deepens immensely."

      This new type of human genius, the "Social Economist," which it is the purpose of these centralizing agencies to bring into existence, is to be a man (or type of Man) capable of handling and directing the newly developed and highly complicated social forces and instrumentalities. Just as the "Captains of Industry" have been developed for the purpose of [249] handling the peculiar problems, and to direct the great energies, of the corporations and trusts,--such as the United States Steel Corporation,--so the leaders of industrial progress perceive that there has now arisen the need of "Social Economists," who shall be able to grasp the still more complex affairs, and direct the vaster energies, of the new Social Order, which the coalescence of these great corporations is bringing into existence.

      The society referred to in the foregoing quotation is The Charity Organization of the City of New York; and the executive head of that society has lately been appointed the "Schiff Professor of SOCIAL ECONOMY" in Columbia University. This is an entirely new department of education. It was founded by Mr. Jacob H. Schiff, a prominent and wealthy citizen of New York, and a well-known philanthropist.

      The motive which prompted this endowment is doubtless the sincere conviction that mankind will be benefited thereby. Many other rich men are making use of their wealth, in one way and another, for the supposed advantage of society as a whole, and with disinterested motives. But these uses of surplus wealth are simply contributing to the fulfillment of prophecy in aiding the development of that superlative human being who is to control, for a brief but brilliant period of time, the affairs of Consolidated Humanity. [250]

      Other Universities have (I understand) already followed this lead in establishing departments of "Social Economy"; and the results of these wise measures will soon be apparent.

      The scope and aims of this new department of Social Economy are well stated in the inaugural address of the first Schiff Professor, Mr. Edward T. Devine, which address has been published under the title of "Efficiency and Relief. A Programme of SOCIAL WORK." One of the opening paragraphs of this address will suffice for our present purposes, as it gives the keynote of the whole:--

      "MAN has faced three extraordinary problems. The first was the simplest: the taking possession of the physical world, the appropriation of natural forces. The second was more complex: the organization of industry, the working out of an industrial system. The third is the most perplexing: THE SPIRITUAL DIRECTION OF HUMAN AFFAIRS."

      In these few words we have a clear statement of the idea of the consolidation of human affairs, and the bringing of that consolidation under spiritual direction. And not only so, but the intimation is plainly given, that, when this is brought about, Man's task will be accomplished; for it is Man who has faced these three "extraordinary problems"; and Man is now addressing himself to the solution of the last and most perplexing one. [251]

      We ask particular attention to the fact that the system described by this professor of the new branch of Social Economy is, in every essential particular, identical with that predicted in Rev. xiii. In this Programme of Social Work we see the great intellectual energies, which are controlled by the higher education of the day, directed towards the fulfilment of that prophecy. The Programme of Social Work embraces the development of the Social organization, the training of Social organizers and Social economists, the inculcation of the Social spirit, and the diligent impression upon the public mind of the Social point of view.

      It is noticeable also that, while many of the clergy are taking up with the cause of Socialism (which, though similar in name, is a radically different system from the social organization proposed by Prof. Devine), there are, on the other hand, a number of the largest and most influential Churches that have passed into the hands of the capitalists, and are liberally supported by them. The cause of capitalism has also its doughty champions among the clergy, such, for example, as Chancellor Day, of Syracuse University, defender of the Standard Oil Company, and author of The Raid on Prosperity, an attack on the policies of President Roosevelt.

      But whether men be working in one or the other of these hostile parties of Social organizers, all are working towards precisely the same end, namely, the consolidation of all human affairs, the giving of [252] "spiritual direction" thereto, and eventually the exaltation of the Superman, the great "Social Economist," to the head of that Consolidation.

      The devotion of man to the heaping up of money is the outcome of three prominent traits of the unregenerate human being, namely, selfishness, unbelief, and the vain-glory of life.

      1. It has been truly said that whenever one man receives a dollar he has not earned, another man has earned a dollar he did not receive. Every one of the colossal fortunes of the day exists because of the impoverishment of many whose labour has gone to the production of the wealth that constitutes them. Business principles are frankly the quintessence of selfishness; so that no further argument or proof are needed to establish the point that devotion to the accumulation of money proceeds from selfishness.

      2. Devotion to the accumulation of wealth is also an evidence of unbelief and lack of trust in God; for those who truly trust Him have the sure promise of His unfailing providence. Their trust is not "in uncertain riches, but in the living God, Who giveth us richly all things to enjoy" (1 Tim. vi. 17).

      3. Finally, the possession of great wealth is a mark of distinction, giving to the possessor thereof a place of prominence among men, and making him the object of attentions that are pleasing to the natural heart. Thus the vain-glory of life incites to the [253] heaping up of money in these last days, in which, because of their democratic character, the honours and distinctions for which men strove in other days have largely lost their value.

      There is no reason whatever to suppose that an appeal to the very rich, in the name of humanity, and for altruistic considerations, to forego the further accumulation of riches, will be of the slightest avail; for there is scarcely a man among "modern men" who, with the same opportunities, would not use them to the fullest extent for his own benefit.

      Neither will denunciations of the "criminally rich" and "malefactors of great wealth," though coming from the highest official station, have the smallest effect in staying this passion for the heaping up riches in the last days.

      But God is not unmindful, of the use which many of those who possess great riches are making of them, or of the sufferings caused thereby to millions of human beings. Jehovah of Hosts has His own plan for dealing with the evils of Capitalism, and has given His word of comfort to those of His people who may suffer therefrom.

      In James v. 1-8, we have a passage of Scripture which wonderfully illuminates the present stage of Industrialism. That this passage relates to the end-times is certain, because it is specifically addressed to those who have heaped up treasure "in the last days," (this is the literal rendering of ver. 3). Moreover, the counsel it gives to the "brethren," whose [254] endurance was to be tested by the accumulation of these fortunes, is to wait patiently "until the coming of the Lord." This is a plain intimation that, when the period of swollen fortunes should arrive, then "the coming of the Lord draweth nigh" (ver. 8), so near, indeed, that they who suffer by reason of these evil conditions need formulate no plans for their own relief. The Lord's coming will bring deliverance to them before they can accomplish anything for themselves.

      The prominent features of this passage, which conveys a message of special importance at the present time, are the following:--

      First. A class of "rich men" is addressed. It is doubtful if such a class ever existed in the previous history of mankind. There have been rich men, of course (though hardly in the modern sense); but there has been no class of people whose common characteristic was simply that they were "rich." There have been aristocrats, nobility, upper and lower classes, educated and uneducated classes, high caste and low caste, gentry and peasantry, literary groups, musical, artistic, scientific, political, etc. But in our day there is a distinct class of "rich men," a financial group, whose bond is simply that of wealth, its possession, its use, and particularly its augmentation. These "rich men" have their own separate and special interests, their own mode of living, their own "society," pleasures, entertainments, amusements, etc. What distinguishes them from other men is [255] nothing more, or less, or other, than that they are "rich." And it may be remarked that what would have been regarded as a fortune one generation back would not to-day admit its possessor to the much envied class of "rich men."

      Second. The rich men are admonished to weep, howling for the miseries that are coming upon them. The precise nature of the miseries which are to threaten this plutocratic class is not stated, the language of verses 2 and 3 being symbolical. But nothing that could happen would make a plutocrat so miserable as the threatened loss of his money; and that such is the nature of the predicted calamity is plain enough from the words "Your riches have rotted."⁵

      The significance of this appears to be that the great horded piles of wealth have become valueless. Such would be the case if, for example, a socialistic government should declare all railroads, manufactories, etc., in which the money of the wealthy is invested, to be the rightful property of the people at large, i. e. of Society." The evidences of the riches, i. e. the stocks, bonds, and other "investment securities" would remain, but the value thereof would have decayed. The riches would have "rotted." In like manner, the words "Your gold and silver has been eaten away; and the canker of them shall be for a testimony against you, and shall eat your flesh as fire," indicate, not the loss of fortunes in ordinary ways, but [256] the actual eating out of the value of possessions, and that by a process which will entail poignant anguish to their owners, comparable to fire gnawing at their vitals. Moreover, these "miseries" are not merely coming upon individual members of the wealthy class, but upon the entire group of "rich men." Nothing but a radical change in the social order, such as the abolition of private ownership of capital, would bring about such a result.

      Third. The passage indicates a period or era of the world's history wherein there shall be a very marked accumulation of wealth--something far beyond the ordinary fortunes of those previously reputed to be rich--in a few hands. The specific charge against these rich men is that they have "heaped treasure together." Here is a heaping up of treasure--the making of great piles of wealth--and a devotion to that process as the business of life. Heaping up riches is the all-absorbing occupation of these men, employing all their energies, occupying their thoughts, and forming the topic of their conversation.

      The expression "heaps" of treasure aptly indicates the fabulous accumulations which a few men of this generation have amassed; and this era of heaping together of riches in amounts which render their owners conspicuous, and which separate them into a special class, began but a few years ago. So rapidly has this process of accumulation of wealth come about, and so rapidly is it running its predicted course, that [257] the culmination of the era which it especially characterizes must of necessity be very close at hand.

      It is estimated, on the basis of Government Census Reports, that the wealth of the United States has been increased six-fold in the past fifty years. But this prodigious increase of wealth has not tended to equalize the economic conditions of the people. On the contrary, the treasure has been "heaped together" into the hands of a very small and steadily decreasing number of people; and the inequality between the very rich and the very poor is greater than ever before. It is estimated that the bulk of the wealth of the United States is in the hands of about 250,000 persons.

      Fourth. The prophecy foretells that, along with this amassing of treasure by a few rich men, there will be suffering so great as to cause loud outcries; and that the cries of the sufferers are so piteous as to evoke the special assurance that they have not been unheeded in heaven as on earth, but have "entered into the ears of the Lord of Hosts."

      Such suffering exists to-day, and is most acute in those very centres of human activity where the heaped-up treasures are procured. Such suffering exists in this country at a time of abundant harvests, and when barns and warehouses and stores are filled with the produce of the field, and with the products of human industry.

      These cries of suffering human beings are a conspicuous feature of modern "civilization"; and, in [258] the midst of the superabundance which the bounty of God has provided, they convict man of failure to administer righteousness and justice even in the things upon which man himself has bestowed no labour. On this testimony, man is justly adjudged to be utterly incompetent to manage his own affairs, even to the extent of relieving destitution, and the suffering it entails, and that in the midst of super-abundant wealth. And, therefore, the judgment of God, which has waited long, draws near. For if the man of to-day is unable or unwilling to establish a social system which shall at least be free from the foul blot of cruel injustice and indifference to the miseries of the poor, and that shall put at least a limit to the oppressive power of sordid selfishness, rapacity, and greed of gain, it is the sublimity of folly to indulge in the promise and hope that a better condition will be established by the' man of to-morrow. It is presumption and folly for the man of this generation to speak for the man of the next generation; and even if he could certify better things of the latter it would not relieve himself from condemnation. The man of to-day has no warrant to speak for, or to promise anything on behalf of, the man of to-morrow. Yet he not only does so, but he even seems to think that, by predicting better and more equitable conditions in some indefinite future time, he is thereby excusing his own selfish and unjust use of the opportunities which the existing system has afforded him.

      But already the era of multiplication of wealth has [259] proceeded far enough at least to prove beyond all doubt that increase of prosperity does not tend to improve the character and condition of man. On the contrary, it serves only to excite his lust of gain and pleasure, and to develop a state of society wherein there may exist at one end criminal indulgence, and at the other abject misery.

      It is a very common practice of the day to solicit admiration for this glorious era of "progress" and "prosperity" by parading large figures showing the great gains which have been made in various directions. But if our scientific civilization is to be judged by the statistics of its gains, then it is condemned by its own figures; for or these show that the gains in wealth, commerce, size of cities, miles of railroads, tonnage of ships, etc., whereof the age boasts, are equalled or exceeded by the increases in murders, suicides, divorces, and insanity. Each of these latter groups is increasing in the United States at a rate far exceeding the increase in population. These are the real fruits by which the character of our wonderful era of progress may be correctly known.

      Fifth. But still more significant is the reference in the prophecy to the cry of the labourers, protesting against the system whereby their just reward is kept back or diverted from them.

      The present era of industrialism is characterized, not only by a class of "rich men," but also by a distinct "labouring class"; and this class, like the other, is becoming more and more conspicuous. Organized [260] Labour is one of the chief factors of the present economic situation; and it has a definite "cry" of its own. Who is there, in these days, that has not heard the outcry of the labouring class? That feature of the era is emphasized in the prophecy. "Behold, the hire of the labourers who have reaped down your fields, which is of you kept back by fraud, CRIETH." The harvest which these rich men have gathered into their storehouses has been the product of human toil; and the cry of the reapers is that their hire has been kept back by fraud or artifice.

      It has already been pointed out that the special complaint of the Socialist labour-leaders, and of those whom they represent, is that the wage-system is really a fraudulent device, whereby the capitalist is enabled to appropriate to himself as "profits" the larger part of the value of the labourer's work, and whereby the latter's labour is purchased, not at its actual value as measured by what it produces, but at the market price of labour in a competitive labour-market, i. e. in a market where there are always unemployed workmen competing for work. The passage is very specific in speaking of the "hire" of the workmen, thereby pointing to a state of society wherein the labour is performed, not by slaves, but by hired labourers. This feature of the passage is very impressive, and has a special claim upon our attention as we see these identical conditions assuming prominence until they have become one of the most conspicuous characteristics of the society of the day. [261]

      Sixth. "Ye have lived in pleasure on the earth." Rotherham renders this, "Ye have luxuriated upon the land"; and Bagster's literal version says: "Ye have lived in indulgence in the earth and in self-gratification."

      We hear and read tales of unprecedented extravagance on the part of the very rich; of entertainments which cost enormous sums; of dinners and even of single gowns which cost a fortune; of displays of dress, jewelry, and table decorations; of competition between members of the wealthy class in the matter of providing unique, costly, and sometimes amazingly grotesque, features to their respective banquets and other entertainments. Styles of dress and headgear are also going to unprecedented extremes of lawlessness. Luxuriating upon the land, and living (i. e. spending their lives) in indulgence of all sorts and in self-gratification, are certainly among the distinctive characteristics of that class of ultra-rich which the era of industrialism has brought into existence; and "for whom judgment of old is not idle, and their destruction slumbers not" (2 Pet. ii. 3).

      God has noted all these things, and has specifically foretold "miseries" coming upon the rich and self-indulgent far greater than those now endured by the defrauded labourers, at whose expense they luxuriate on the earth. Just what form this coming calamity will take is not definitely stated in the prophecy. Neither do present conditions admit of a prediction of its precise form; but the near approach of some [262] catastrophe is being freely predicted by not a few of those who observe and comment upon the existing state of Society. Indeed, with economic conditions so badly out of balance--and rapidly becoming more so--it requires little foresight to predict a speedy and radical change.

      Professor Ely, of Johns Hopkins University, thus expresses himself upon the present situation:--

      "I must frankly say that I believe we are just beginning to enter a terrible era in the world's history--an era of domestic warfare such as never has been seen, and the end of which God only can see."

      We may supplement Professor Ely's statement by saying that God has not only seen the end, but has revealed it. Therefore they who believe His Word will not be disturbed by these things which are coming to pass upon the earth. The passage upon which we have been commenting states clearly that, when the described condition of things appears, then the Lord's coming is so near that His people need take no measures for their own redress, or participate in any political schemes of social reform. What they are to do is specially enjoined in the words, "Be patient, therefore, brethren, till the coming of the Lord." He Himself will bring deliverance to them that look for Him; for "unto them that look for Him shall He appear the second time, apart from sin, unto salvation" (Heb. ix. 28).

      He Who alone can set all things right shall surely [263] take the government upon His shoulder, and He will do it at the moment when man's attempts at self-government have most conspicuously failed.

      The purpose, therefore, of this important prophecy, so clearly descriptive of these "last days," is to arouse the Lord's people, and to exhort them to be in a constant state of watchfulness and readiness for His coming.

      "Behold the husbandman waiteth for the precious fruit of the earth, and hath long patience for it until it receive the early and the latter rain. Be ye also patient; establish your heart: for the coming of the Lord draweth nigh."

      Thus far our attention has been directed mainly to the economic side of Socialism, contrasting it with the existing order of Capitalism, which it aims to supplant. But, as has been stated, Socialism does not propose merely a fairer distribution of the products of human effort. It also embodies definite religious principles. The basis of the whole movement is the profound belief in the "Solidarity and Independence of Humankind"; that "each should work for all and all for each"; that "the will of the People is the Supreme Law, and its Voice the Mandate of God," etc.⁶ [264]

      These are articles of religious faith. They embody, moreover, the essence of ideal or pure Democracy; and from them we may more clearly learn the drift of the various New Theology movements which give so prominent a place to the principles of Democracy, openly adopting them as religious principles.

      Again, attention has been called to the very important fact that the doctrines of Socialism are being espoused and propagated very largely by men who have been ordained as Christian ministers. This fact tends to emphasize the religious aspect of Socialism. Although these "Christian Socialists," do not advocate all of the religious doctrines of Socialism, their advocacy of the system itself necessarily aids in establishing it as a whole.

      It is the cardinal doctrine of Socialism that individual human beings are but members of one homogeneous body, namely "Society," or the Race, to which body they owe everything, and from which they receive everything. This practically means that Society, or the Race, or Man, is the true god from whom all benefits flow to each individual, and whom each individual is bound to serve. Hence it is the duty of Society to care for, protect, and supply the needs of all its dependent members and devotees. But, according to the teachers of Humanism and other new theologies, Man has so recently, and thus far so imperfectly, come to the knowledge of his own Divinity, that he has yet to perfect himself in the discharge of his Divine duties and responsibilities. The [265] "Evolution" of Man is therefore as yet incomplete; but the progress of that process is so rapid that the complete Consolidation of Man, and his ability to carry on the business of a god, may be confidently expected at an early day.

      Mr. H. A Lloyd, in Man the Social Creator, thus speaks of the progress that is being made in this direction:--

      "Man is being slowly revealed to himself. The word the world waits for will come from those who disclose to Humanity that the perfections it has been attributing to its gods are sparks struck out of the goodness it feels stirring within itself. Mankind, struggling up out of the mud, has not dared to think of itself as the nebulæ in which is contained shining star-stuff. But it is coming to feel that it does not need to be Divine by proxy any longer."

      The thought contained in this passage is floating everywhere in the atmosphere of Socialism, and is, in fact, of the very essence of that system. Moreover, we have seen that all the new theologies and progressive religious movements of the day are charged with it. Mr. Newman Smith speaks of it as "one of the profoundest and most vitalizing faiths which are now permeating and renewing the Protestant world," and as being also the inspiring faith of the Modernists. From this it may be clearly seen that society as a whole is not far from that predicted state wherein Divine honours and worship shall be paid to a man. [266] That man need only be set up as the representative of the Race in order to be the realization of the religious programme of Socialism. In the foregoing passage from Mr. Lloyd's book we have Man as Creator, and in other characteristic utterances of the day he is extolled as his own Saviour.

      A few more quotations from Mr. French's book will be useful in showing how openly the religion of Humanism exalts Man to the place of God.

      "We believe in the Religion of Humanity, whose God is Love, and in which Love is the fulfilling of the Law."

      "We believe that Capital--the dead inert material thing--is the Creation of Labour, the living God, the co-ordination of Force and Matter, the marriage of the Head and the Hand. And we believe that the product, the thing created, is the inalienable property of the Producer and Creator."

      "We believe in a Community of Interest for the Community.

      "We believe in the UNIVERSAL TRUST in which every Child, Woman, and Man shall hold one, and only one, non-transferrable share of Common Stock, and in which there shall be no preferred stock."

      "We believe in the Gospel-of-the-Gift, and that whoso giveth Life in its highest Effort to the Service of Humanity, shall live forever." [267]

      "We believe in the Federation of the World, the Fellowship of Nations, the Motherhood of Nature, the Sisterhood and Brotherhood of Humankind, and in 'The dear love of Comrades.'"

      "Socialism is the religion of Humanity. It was begotten in Hope, conceived in Charity, and born in Honour. It was prophesied in the Past, it is being fulfilled in the Present, and it shall be the glory of the splendid Future."

      "Socialism is the evolution of the human race from cannibalism and savagery to fraternalism and philanthropy; from the infamy of the swine to the splendour of God."

      "Socialism is the Kingdom of Righteousness, wherein little children, emancipated from toil, ignorance, hunger, and exploitation, shall be raised by loving care," etc.; "wherein women, absolved from shame, servitude, and inequality, shall be enfranchised, owners of themselves; . . . and wherein men, masterless and free, shall work gladly for family and home," etc.

      "Socialism is the extreme of democracy meeting the extreme of individualism."

      "Socialism is the Trinity of Love, Justice, and Truth."

      "Socialism is the Gospel of the Atonement of Humanity for 'Man's inhumanity to man.'"

      "Socialism is the second coming of the ELDER BROTHER." [268]

      "Socialism is Faith in the Motherhood of God, Hope in the Comradehood of Humanity, and Charity for all the world."

      These definitions should be pondered and their significance apprehended by all; and especially do we commend them to the thoughtful consideration of "Christian Socialists." For these doctrines and articles of faith are inherent in the system of Socialism. They spring naturally from its root principle--the Solidarity or Brotherhood of Man; and if humanity should ever commit itself to the desperate experiment of Socialism, it will speedily find itself subject to the operation of these principles and doctrines.

      There is one feature of the programme and creed of Socialism which calls for special notice. Socialism proposes to abolish the family and the institution of marriage. This is not said to excite prejudice. Neither in stating it do we lose sight of the fact that the proposition to abolish marriage and the family is abhorrent to many who openly espouse the cause of Socialism. Yet this proposition is inherent in the system. It is a logical tenet of the creed, because one of the fundamental principles of Socialism is that "Society" is responsible for the care and training of all children from their birth, and is bound to discharge to every child the obligations which now rest upon its parents. Thus the family, as an institution for the nurture, protection, and instruction of [269] children, will be no longer needed, and, its utility having ceased, it will be abolished as an outgrown device.

      It also follows that, in the new order of things, marriage will have become a superfluous institution; and not only so, but marriage is already under attack as an unnecessary restraint upon human liberty. Why should such a limitation be imposed? And by what authority are "free human beings" to be thus restricted in a matter of personal choice of the very highest moment? Certainty this marriage-yoke was not imposed upon humanity by "the will of the people"; and inasmuch as the will of the people is the "supreme law," Society has power and authority to abolish the bondage and to establish perfect liberty of the sexes.

      We have already quoted, as one of the definitions of Socialism, the declaration that it is a Kingdom in which "women, absolved from shame, shall be owners of themselves." The following, from the same book, is even plainer:--

      "We believe in the sacredness of the Family and the Home, the legitimacy of every child, and the inalienable right of every woman to the absolute possession of Herself."

      This feature of Socialism (and we repeat that it is a logical and necessary feature of a true socialistic order, in which the State is the father of every child, and all children are treated alike) is what most plainly marks the system as one embodying the doctrines of demons and seducing spirits. The Spirit of [270] God, speaking "expressly," says that "in the latter times some shall depart from the faith, giving heed to seducing spirits and doctrines of demons . . . forbidding to marry." This has been supposed by some to refer to the celibacy of the clergy; but "forbidding to marry" is not a "doctrine" taught the people by the Church of Rome. Moreover, celibacy of the clergy has been carried on from very early times. It is not specially characteristic of "latter times." It follows that "forbidding to marry" must refer to something else.

      We need be no longer at a loss to understand its meaning, for the productive energies of these active days have at last brought forth a religious system which includes among its doctrines "forbidding to marry"; that is, it teaches the actual abolition of marriage,--and some are departing from "the faith," giving heed to this new religious system.

      The matter now under consideration is of the utmost importance. Marriage was the first institution which God ordained for human society (Gen. ii. 24). It is the one and only survival of man's state of original innocence. It is, hence, the last Divine institution to be set aside by man in the exercise of his unrestrained will. The determined assault on the institution of marriage, which is now being carried on, is a striking indication that man is nearing the very end of his rebellious doings.

      The Lord Jesus put the seal of His authority upon the inviolability of the marriage institution. He [271] declared that divorce had been permitted by Moses to the Israelites because of the hardness of their hearts; but that "from the beginning it was not so" (Matt. xix. 8). And He reminded His hearers that "He which made them at the beginning made them male and female, and said, "For this cause shall a man leave father and mother and shall cleave to his wife; and they twain shall be one flesh" (Matt. xix. 4, 5).

      This proposal to abolish marriage may not be lightly dismissed, as some are disposed to do, with the fond notion that the moral sense of the people will resist it. The moral sense of the people will not stand in the way of the will of the people. The moral sense of a community is the product of that standard of morals which is recognized therein as authoritative. The moral sense of communities where the Bible has been revered, is the product of the Bible. But what is now going on, and what for a large majority of people in civilized countries has already taken place, and what all the important movements of the day are hastening to accomplish, is the transfer of the recognized seat of authority from the Bible to "the People." With the authority of the Bible set aside, and the absolute freedom of man proclaimed as the establishment of the golden age on earth, there will exist no reason whatever why men and women should put themselves under the marriage yoke.

      Society as a whole is being rapidly educated to accept the teaching of Socialism in "forbidding to [272] marry." Among the factors contributing to this result may be briefly mentioned:--

      1. The increasing facilities for divorce, and the largely increasing numbers of those who avail themselves of such facilities. The divorce statistics have forced themselves upon public attention, and have been made the subject of many warnings by those who appreciate in some measure the dangers and evils into which this tendency is leading. But while men and women who, at the moment, happen not to be meditating or desiring legal separation from their mates, may admit the seriousness of the situation, the warnings certainly are not heeded by those who desire freedom from the marriage yoke. As is usually the case with public warnings, they only impress those who have no need of them.

      2. The current "affinity" doctrines and practices are doing their part to banish from the minds of the people the idea of the sacredness of marriage. The "problem" plays and novels of the day are making their contribution to the same result.⁷ [273]

      3. General laxity and disregard of the marriage relation is apparently increasing both among those who are within and those without the marriage state. In some countries (as Italy, for example), where [274] facilities for divorce are not so abundant as in the progressive United States, the opinion is quite commonly and openly held among the lower classes of society, that it is best to dispense with the marriage ceremony at the beginning of their domestic relations, and thus ensure against possible inconvenience in case those relations prove unsatisfactory.

      4. There is an esoteric teaching of "Christian Science" which has an important bearing upon this subject, and which, therefore, we cannot dismiss without at least a brief reference. This extraordinary and unspeakably vile teaching is to the effect that when women become proficient in "Christian Science" they will be able to bring children into the world without natural conception. This is a peculiarly subtle and dangerous attack upon the sacredness of marriage, for it is conducted behind the mask of a pretended lofty spirituality. It is therefore most needful that the people be plainly warned against it. This has been very thoroughly done in a book recently published by Dr. I. M. Haldeman, of New York City, under the title Christian Science in the Light of Holy Scripture. Concerning the seriousness of the doctrine upon which we are now commenting, Dr. Haldeman well says:--

      "Abolish marriage, break down the sacredness of motherhood, the nobility of fatherhood, and the unashamed right of childhood, and every institution of order and decency would go down with a crash." [275]

      We are surely warranted in regarding this doctrine is of special significance, in view of the rapid spread of "Christian Science," and in view of the fact that the Spirit of God has expressly declared that a feature of "the latter times" should be a departure from the faith, and a giving heed to seducing spirits and doctrines of demons, speaking lies in hypocrisy, having their conscience seared with a hot iron, forbidding to marry. With this Scripture to guide us, we need be at no loss to determine the source of that evil system known as "Christian Science."

      5. The looseness and immodesty which characterize Spiritist movements are likewise operating against the sacredness of marriage. This matter has forced itself upon the attention of Christian people of late. Many of the meetings where unusual experiences are sought and unusual manifestations given, have been characterized by a flagrant disregard of the restraints ordinarily observed between the sexes. In fact, it may be stated, as a general rule, that the yielding of one's mind and body to Spiritist "control" in any of its many current forms, causes deterioration, physically, mentally, and morally.

      This latter phase of current events is supposed by some students and expositors of Scripture, and not without reason, to be paving the way for the reproduction of the awful conditions prevailing on earth before the flood, and described in Gen. vi. 2-5. When demonism reaches this stage, the judgments of God cannot be longer restrained. [276]

      But whatever, in all the changes that are taking place, may be yet involved in uncertainty, and whatever room there may be for differences as to the tendencies and outcome of some phases of the great socialistic movements of the day, there can be no doubt at all that their main object is to declare the absolute freedom of mankind from all external authority, and to establish a system wherein Society shall administer all the affairs of a consolidated Humanity.

      Our review of the great movements of the day would be incomplete without a reference to Zionism, which came into existence in 1897 (the first Zionist Congress being held in Basle, Switzerland, in that year) and which has developed astonishing vigor during the short intervening period.

      Prophecy assigns to the Hebrew nation a prominent part in the convulsions which are to mark the close of this age and the beginning of that which is to succeed it; and the fulfilment of these prophecies requires that the Jews should have at that time a recognized national existence, such as will admit of their entering into treaty relations with the great powers of the world.

      The history of mankind presents no fact more remarkable, and none which is less susceptible of explanation to the natural mind, than the fact that the Jews have been, always and everywhere, [277] prevented from merging with the peoples where they have dwelt throughout this long age. And now we behold the astounding spectacle of an awakening of the Jewish national consciousness after a sleep of nearly two thousand years' duration. And after that long period of denationalization there is seen the beginning and growth of a world-wide Jewish national movement.

      The inspiring sentiment of this movement is the thought of repossessing the land promised by God to Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob.

      What appeared to be, a few years ago, insuperable difficulties in the way of this movement, have been one by one removed. The overruling hand of the Almighty has been so shaping the affairs of the nations, that now, with the late political revolution in Turkey, the last formidable obstacle seems to have been taken out of the way.

      If we bear in mind the part which the financial powers are to play in these closing scenes of our age, and also the fact that these financial powers are very largely in Jewish hands, we shall the better appreciate the great significance of the Zionist movement. Up to this time these tremendous financial interests have been held by individual Jews, citizens of various countries, and united by no political bond. What a mighty factor in human affairs will be brought into operation when these several financial interests are consolidated! What the "great powers" need in order to prosecute their rapidly growing military and [278] naval programmes is MONEY. Commercial rivalry is intensifying. National existences are being imperiled by the possibility of losing important channels of trade. Hence armaments are growing in proportion to these national fears. Germany unexpectedly accelerates her naval programme by the seemingly trifling period of four months, and England is thereby thrown into a perfect fever of anxiety. So we see on all hands increasing "distress of nations with perplexity." Meanwhile the nations will be compelled to negotiate loans, because the limits of revenue by taxation have been practically reached.

      This situation is what gives the Jewish financiers their great opportunity. And now that a Jewish national consciousness has been awakened, what is more natural and probable than that, as a condition of additional loans to the great powers, the Jewish financiers should demand treaties guaranteeing national existence to the Jews?

      Assuming that events take this likely course, and that Judea becomes the home of the great creditor-nation of the world, the next development would be easy to forecast. But it has been already long ago foretold. In Daniel ix. 27, we read of a treaty between the Jews and a great world-power guaranteeing, to the former certain privileges for a period of seven years, which treaty the guarantor breaks in the middle of that period, thus precipitating the great tribulation, or "time of Jacob's trouble." Then, in Zechariah xiv. 2-4, we read that all nations shall be [279] gathered against Jerusalem to battle; and that the Lord shall then go forth and fight against those nations; and that His feet shall stand in that day upon the Mount of Olives. What should bring all these nations at once against Jerusalem except the onerous obligations imposed by the astute money-lenders as conditions for their financial aid? The invading powers must have a common cause, for they are acting together; and we have in full view a situation which would furnish such a common casus belli. The debtor is very obsequious when coming to borrow, but often fierce and belligerent when the terms of payment have to be met. This is particularly true when the borrower feels those terms to be hard, and we know that the Jew has learned how to take full advantage of the necessities of those who come to him for financial aid.

      Furthermore, the fires of hatred against the Jew have not died out. On the contrary, they have, within recent years, flared up and burned more fiercely than at any time during the long era of Jewish dispersion and persecution. Heretofore this strange hatred (known to-day as "Anti-Semitism") has necessarily expended itself against individual Jews. But given a Jewish nation, and one that has gained the galling power of a creditor over other nations, and it is certain that this age-long and world-wide hatred would take a national form, and would break out, on slight provocation, with all the intensity predicted in the ancient prophecies. [280]

      It is evident, moreover, that should the Jews aggregate their capital and become a great creditor-nation, with fiscal agencies in all commercial centres of the world, they would be the suppliers of capital, not only to Governments, but also to industrial enterprises. The pre-eminent commercial aptitude of the Jew, and his quick apprehension of economic problems, are recognized on all hands. It is reasonable, therefore, to suppose that Jewish financiers have long ago realized the great advantage they would obtain by consolidating their capital-forming, as it were, a Money Trust; and it may also be safely assumed that plans have been already considered for bringing about so desirable an arrangement. The establishment of a Jewish State, with its capital at Jerusalem, would make this very easy of accomplishment; and thus the city of David might quickly become the most important city on earth, as well as the object of universal jealousy and hatred.

      It is evident that, should the money-power ever be consolidated (and if present commercial tendencies work out their ultimate result, it is inevitable), that power will really dominate the politics and industries of the world. It is further evident that the head of the Money Trust would be the most potent individual in the world. He would be virtually the head of the consolidated human interests. Add to these considerations the fact to which prophecy testifies, namely, that the Antichrist--the head of the ultimate religio-commercial system--will be a Jew, with headquarters [281] at Jerusalem, and we may plainly see that this great Zionist movement is, like all the other notable movements of our day, heading directly towards the consolidation of human affairs into a world-wide, all-embracing System.

      And it should be noted in this connection that Zionism, while intensely national in character, does not propose to revive the ancient religion of the Jewish people. This is, to my mind, the strangest feature of Zionism. Every national revival among the Jews in their past history has been a religious revival. That there should ever be a national revival of Judaism which should be absolutely destitute of the religious element, and which should make absolutely no appeal to the religious feelings of the people, would be deemed an a priori impossibility. And yet it is necessary, in order for prophecy to be fulfilled, that a large number of Jews should return to, and should occupy, Palestine in a condition of religious apostasy. This event seems to be now close at hand; and, in spite of all opposition, hatred, spoliation, and persecution, the hated and despised Jews have possessed themselves of such financial resources, and of such commercial influence, in every part of the world, as to prepare all that is needed for the rapid fulfilment of the other steps of the prophetic programme. [282]

[TNOM1 202-282]