The activities of the numerous Churches of Christ in the Ballarat area, during the years 1870-1900, were closely interconnected. Nowhere was this more obvious than in the provision made for the engagement of full-time evangelists.

1870-1874

DAWSON STREET

It is impossible to reconstruct events at Dawson Street between 1870 and 1880 with any degree of accuracy. Adequate records are unavailable. The Board minutes, which are scrappy between 1870 and 1873, cut out altogether thereafter. The next minutes are dated June 10th, 1884. In addition, events at Dawson Street were not recorded during the 1870's in the Australian Christian Pioneer or the Australian Christian Advocate because the congregation had been disowned by other Victorian Churches of Christ.

Those who remained at Dawson Street, following the excommunication of the congregation, spent time adjusting to their predicament and working through relationships with sister churches in Victoria. It was a harrowing and difficult period for Martin and his supporters.

Continuing Conflict

In October, 1871 the Board decided to circulate 1500 copies of a reply to a letter James Hamill had sent to the Pioneer. Members were to be asked to contribute to the cost.¹ In November, a member, expelled from Ballarat East, supposedly for "holding and teaching what they call heresy", applied for membership at Dawson Street. A letter was sent to the brethren meeting in the Mechanics Institute to check out the truth of this statement.²

That same month, Anderson, described as "President of the Church at Mount Clear", invited Martin to break bread with that congregation. It was decided that Martin should pass up the invitation, at least for the present.³ Anderson was sympathetic to Dawson Street and had earlier argued with fellow leaders at Mount Clear that the church there should act independently, and not be coerced by Peel

Street into excommunicating Dawson Street. He received little support.⁴

Letters continued to be published in the Pioneer supporting Hamill's position. The Dawson Street officers, at their November meeting, decided "to take no further notice of anything that may appear in that magazine," but left individual members free to take any action they wished.⁵

On April 12th the Dawson Street officers learned that a letter they had forwarded to David King, editor of the Ecclesiastical Observer, the journal of the British Churches of Christ, explaining their position in the debate, was not to be published. They also received a letter from Thompson, secretary of the Lygon Street Church, requesting answers to two questions. To the first query, "Does the church in Dawson Street deny the eternal Punishment", they answered, "No but they deny the eternal torment of the wicked, they believe that God will destroy the wicked". To the next question, "Does the church approve of Bro. Martin and others teaching by lectures the destruction of the wicked", the officers answered with a resounding "Yes". In the letter answering Thompson's questions, he was informed that his letters were answered through courtesy and that the meeting strongly protested "against the action of Mr. Hamill and his supporters towards the church meeting at Dawson Street Ballarat".⁶

Hamill had taken up a crusade, which, considered retrospectively, was a debate over the interpretation of a peripheral issue, and an irrelevant one, given the fact that time, like space, is an aspect of creation and would have little relevance in an after- life. However, while he was able to engage the support of the other Ballarat Churches, and certain leaders in Melbourne, Hamill was unable to cower Martin and his supporters at Dawson Street. The latter, nevertheless, continued to be pestered with letters from individuals at Lygon Street, of which G. L. Surber was minister, until the end of April, 1872, and, as a consequence, determined that they would only answer official correspondence.⁷

Neish wrote to Martin in July, asking him to resign as pastor. The officers, however, were in no mood to entertain such an idea, and, instead, removed Neish from the preaching plan.⁸ In December, Neish resigned from membership in the church.⁹ When visited by two members of the Board, he said that he wished to withdraw the letter he had written "and any charge he had made against any brother, and stated that he had determined in future to meet with Mr. Gillingham in Albert Street".¹⁰

In February of the following year, the church received another letter from Lygon Street. Lygon St. would not leave the issue alone. The secretary was instructed to write to Lygon Street, denying their request, on the ground "that the letter was not addressed in the usual form and in a manner that implied that (Dawson Street) was

not recognised as a Church of Christ".¹¹ Lygon Street replied in a more peremptory tone, almost demanding that the secretary at Dawson Street "reply as per draft letter submitted", which the latter was now even more determined not to do.¹² There are no extant minutes to reveal what transpired after this. Because the 1884 minutes follow directly upon those of 1873, there were probably none written up.

BALLARAT EAST

Picton

In the early years at Peel Street Picton did the bulk of the preaching. However, when an evangelist happened to be passing through town, he was invited to take the pulpit. In October, 1869, George Exley chanced to be in Ballarat at a meeting of the church, which had been called to inquire into the affairs of a member. Exley was asked to address those present, the investigation being postponed.¹³

Hindle

In June, 1870 Picton brought before the church a letter from "the brethren in Melbourne announcing the arrival of Bro. Hindle and requesting to know if the Church was desirous of engaging an evangelist, if so for how long and what remuneration could be offered towards his support". In response, Ballarat East made an offer "to engage our Bro. Hindle for three months at a salary of two pounds per week with the option of retaining his services for another three months if desired expedient".¹⁴ With constant shifting from one locality to another, and with meagre remuneration, these were tough times for preachers and their families. The church was unsuccessful, however, and Hindle went elsewhere. Nevertheless, the conviction remained that a full-time person was needed.

Wickings

The following month the church decided "to employ some brother to devote the whole of his time to visiting and thereby disseminating the truth as it is in Christ amongst the people in Ballarat East". Bro. Wickings was engaged for three months at a salary of £2 per week. Wickings had been with them for a time and they decided to meet expenses he had already incurred.¹⁵ The officers were pleased with Wickings, and, when his three months expired, presented him with a letter of commendation signed by all the officers.¹⁶

Hamill

The break between Dawson Street and Hamill came in May, 1871.¹⁷ It is not known whether they were actually unable to pay him, as one letter suggests,¹⁸ or whether there was too great a conflict between Hamill and Martin for the association to continue. At a meeting of the Peel Street Church, held on the 22nd, the congregation was read a letter from the church at Buninyong, inviting their co-operation in forming an evangelistic committee to raise funds to retain Hamill in the area.¹⁹ Representatives from Ballarat East, at a meeting called to set up the joint committee, pledged £1 per week.²⁰ Hamill's services were retained, by three-month extensions, until October, 1872.²¹

There appear to have been two reasons responsible for his finishing up at that time. First, he did not like being dictated to. In July, when a visit to Mt Gambier was in wind, the church at Ballarat East, unhappy with the thought of his leaving them, asked him to defer his visit.²² Hamill went. Second, the evangelistic committee fell behind in its payments to Hamill. The smaller congregations were unable to sustain their support and Ballarat East was unwilling to increase its contributions. At the meeting at which they were laying down what he could and couldn't do, it was revealed that he was owed £5/15/7.²³ In October they offered to pay him £1 per week for three days work each week. He rejected the offer and the church found itself without an evangelist.²⁴

Picton

After Hamill left to take up a ministry in Geelong,²⁵ responsibility for the bulk of the preaching fell on Picton, who was becoming increasingly involved in Conference affairs.

In 1873, when the Victorian Conference was reconstituted, having earlier founded on the question of the degree to which its decisions would be binding on constituent churches, Picton was elected to two ad hoc committees responsible for re- establishing structures.²⁶ In the following year he was invited to deliver the Conference Essay. He spoke on "The Work and Qualifications of an Evangelist".²⁷

Hamill Again

While Hamill left Ballarat for Geelong at the end of 1872, he retained an interest in Ballarat, which he occasionally visited.

When the church at Geelong arranged a picnic in the Botanical Gardens on Boxing Day, 1873, members from Ballarat East, Buninyong and Mount Clear mingled with others from Geelong and Melbourne.²⁸ Early in 1874, Hamill paid a flying visit to Ballarat.²⁹ When he again visited Ballarat, later in the year, he was warmly welcomed at a tea meeting at Mount Clear, at which 230 were present.³⁰ On a visit

to Buninyong, three years later, Hamill was drawn into a newspaper debate on the question of baptism.³¹

On 13th January the following year Hamill died of what was described as "apoplexy". He had enjoyed indifferent health for some time. Before leaving England he was already suffering from consumption. More recently he had been pushed to the limit of endurance by his warm, impulsive nature and his penchant for debate.

Hamill had not realised how ill he was, and, "having an aversion to calling in the aid of a medical man," he made do with "such simple remedies as his own knowledge suggested". When a medical man was called in it was too late. He was 37 and left a wife with six children, for whom an appeal was opened and generously subscribed.³²

1875-1880

Little is known about developments in Churches of Christ congregations in and around Ballarat in the mid-to-late 1870's.

There are no records of church or deacons' meetings available. Dawson Street's activities were not written up in journals because the church was excommunicate, nor were her numbers listed in statistical tables, and only rarely were the activities of other congregations recorded in periodicals. However, despite the fact that minutes of deacons' meetings at Dawson Street are unavailable before June, 1884, and those at Peel Street before February, 1887, a clear picture of Churches of Christ in the Ballarat area emerges in 1881. This is because church recorders sent news items to the Australian Christian Watchman (1880-1885) and the Australian Christian Standard (1885-1897).

1881

When the curtain rises on 1881, two facts stand out. Dawson Street has been accepted back into the local and Victorian association of Churches of Christ and Churches of Christ congregations in Ballarat are co-operating to secure evangelistic help. The fact that Picton was no longer at Ballarat East could have had something to do with the changed state of affairs.

Evangelistic Union

In late 1880 and early 1881, an Evangelistic Union was formed, with Chas Martin as secretary, made up of contributing and non-contributing churches. While the executive comprised Ballarat members, and while the focus of the Union's activities was the Ballarat area, the Union drew support from as far away as Warrnambool

and Nunawading. The report of the first quarterly meeting, in February 1881, mentioned that there were thirteen churches associated with the Union, six of which were contributing, between them, £145 per annum.³³

The Union also enjoyed the keen interest of Fred Illingworth, a leading personality among the churches in Melbourne. Illingworth, who did a considerable amount of preaching, was a businessman who entered the Victorian Parliament. Speculating in land in the 1880's, he was caught out when the bubble burst in the 90's. He later became Colonial Secretary and Treasurer in Western Australia.³⁴ Illingworth threw himself wholeheartedly into the work of the church in Victoria, South Australia and Western Australia and was also generous in his financial support. At its inception, Illingworth promised 5 guineas per annum to the Union.³⁵

The Union also received an encouraging letter from the young 26 year old David Ewers of Murtoa, a wheelwright turned evangelist, who later became an outstanding editor and evangelist. Ewers made two pertinent suggestions. The first was that churches should give systematically--a giving church was a living church. His second point was that it was inadvisable to station preachers too long in one place. He pointed out that, while Ballarat will have chief claim on whoever is engaged by the Union, "he should get among others as much as possible", i.e. those other churches contributing to his support.³⁶

Other places, besides Ballarat, which were mentioned in reports during the first year of the Union's operations, were Apollo Bay, Nunawading, Wandin and Mooroolbark.

Apollo Bay

A church had been planted at Apollo Bay by Berne, MacGowan and Morris from Dawson St. Morris, who spent some time at Apollo Bay, probably had a holiday home there. Once the church had been established, worship services were carried on by Bro. Mansell, in whose home the church met. Though there were only four members at Apollo Bay, services held in the local school house, in this sparsely populated but developing area, in mid-1881, attracted 15 to 20 people.³⁷

Other Areas

At a monthly meeting of the Union, held on the 12 July, 1881, Nunawading, Wandin, and Mooroolbark were accepted into the association and it was decided to invite Bro. W. W. Davey to work with them for a three month period.³⁸

G. B. Moysey

When the Union was set up it was hoped to engage G. B. Moysey as evangelist to work in the Ballarat area. However, while his engagement at Cheltenham had concluded, he was anticipating an invitation from the church at Hobart Town, where he had worked earlier. They had spoken to him about returning. He responded by commenting that, while he wasn't prepared to return to work in the forbidding and dilapidated place of worship they had been using, should they erect a meeting house of their own, he would return. They consequently purchased land and were in the process of erecting a chapel. Moysey, therefore, felt duty-bound to await a renewed invitation from Hobart.³⁹

P. Brown

When they heard that Moysey was unavailable, the executive of the Union invited P. Brown, who was, at the time, engaged jointly by congregations meeting in the Manchester Unity Hall and at Footscray. He was preaching alternatively in both places, his place being taken every alternative week by Fred Illingworth. Illingworth may have suggested his name to the Union. The church meeting at the M. U. Hall, where he had spoken for nine months when his efforts had resulted in 7 additions, was not keen to release him. At Footscray, on the other hand, the church, which had grown to 133 in two years, was not only willing to allow him leave of absence, but offered to supplement the £2 a week that the Union was to pay him. Brown was keen to come to Ballarat. He had been invited to Ballarat for a tea meeting and been impressed with the challenge of such a large city with so few Christians.⁴⁰

Brown arrived on 18th February, 1881 and preached his first sermon at Peel Street on the 20th. After nine weeks at Peel Street, he commenced preaching at Dawson Street. Contrary to his expectation, Brown found work in Ballarat "a hard up-hill battle". Without specifically listing causes, he insinuated that the lack of progress was due to the past history of the Churches. In particular, he found that the view the general population had of the beliefs of Churches of Christ "were very different" from those they taught and practiced. However, by July, 14 had been added to the Churches, by faith and baptism, one by letter of transfer, one from the Baptists, and one who had previously been immersed had been received in.⁴¹

That same month Brown commenced a month's special services in the Academy of Music, which seated 3000. The venture was financed "by three worthy brethren in Melbourne and three in Ballarat and two in outlying places". This venture was, therefore, not strictly a co-operative effort of the Ballarat churches, though Brown wished that it could have been and that it could have been extended for a further month. The first meeting, held on Sunday afternoon the 10th July, drew a disappointing attendance. The evening attendance of between 600 and 800 was far more encouraging. The following Sunday evening, however, the attendance was down to 250. Brown, who was copying what J. J. Haley, an American evangelist, had

done in Melbourne, had assumed that he would duplicate Haley's success. However, he had neither Haley's drawing power nor did he have the advantage of a network of enthusiastic Melbourne churches. Despite disappointing attendances, Brown was able to reach "a class of people who had not thought of (Churches of Christ) before".⁴²

Brown was soon unhappy with an arrangement that alternated his services between Peel St. and Dawson St. During a nine-week stand at one church, interest and numbers would grow. However, he would then have to cease his activities there and begin again elsewhere. This appeared a waste of effort and momentum.⁴³

The Peel Street church was in complete agreement with Brown. In August, 1881 they withdrew from the Union and undertook to engage Brown themselves. They were happy with the results. In September of that year, they reported that, in the nine months Brown had been in Ballarat, their morning meetings, which before his arrival had drawn 23 to 30, had increased threefold. Twenty-seven had been added to the church, some from the ranks of the sceptics and Spiritualists. They had a well-attended Bible Class and a Mutual Improvement Class of 30. While the rules of the Union required churches to give six months notice of withdrawal, Peel Street contended that as this did not specifically refer to contributing churches, and that they were free to withdraw themselves and their funds immediately.⁴⁴

McIntyre

In September, 1881 J. B. McIntyre, on a two-day visit to the area, preached to a good audience at Dawson Street on the Sunday. The church was impressed and suggested that he stay for a week or ten days.⁴⁵ Keen to retain his services, those churches remaining in the Union, Buninyong, Mount Clear and Dawson Street, offered him more permanent employment. He took up the appointment on October 2, 1881, when he delivered an address at Dawson Street "on the death of our Bro. Garfield, late President of America". The following Wednesday he gave a lecture on Bush Mission Work and spoke of the Loch Ard wreck.⁴⁶

Shortly after McIntyre commenced at Dawson Street, he was embroiled in controversy. The occasion was a letter he wrote to the editor of the Australian Christian Watchman on the question of the Holy Spirit's work in conversion.

Alexander Campbell, one of the pioneers of the American movement, had argued that the Holy Spirit worked in the lives of the unconverted solely through the Scriptures. There was no direct operation of the Spirit apart from the Bible.

McIntyre, in the offending article, questioned the truth of the assertion he felt some to be making, "that the Holy Spirit is confined to his operations upon the heart of

the sinner" to reaching him through preaching. His point was that in times of revival, "in England, Scotland, Ireland and elsewhere", individuals were converted merely by hearing themselves prayed for without any preaching. While most had heard, and were, thus, familiar with the Gospel, conversion resulted in such instances from prayer rather than preaching. It was a fine point.⁴⁷

McIntyre was taken to task in the Watchman by Long, the chairman of the Peel Street Board, and by Stephen Cheek, a Congregationalist who had been baptised and worked for a time with the Brethren before coming into membership with Churches of Christ.⁴⁸

Haley, editor of the Watchman, attempted to dampen down the controversy by suggesting that the American Disciples, a sister movement, did not "dogmatically assert that the Holy Spirit does not operate on the hearts of sinners except through the truth". The point they made, he argued, was "that neither the Bible nor history furnishes one particle of evidence of the abstract influence of the Holy Spirit in either conversion or sanctification". He argued that both parties agreed that in conversion, the Scriptures, whether directly through preaching or indirectly through the recollection of the Gospel facts, were the principle means used by the Spirit in conversion.⁴⁹

McIntyre, however, in replying to Long and Cheek, more unwittingly than deliberately, delivered himself into the hands of his critics. He challenged what was, in practice, if not in theory, the Movement's most central dogma, their theology of baptism. While he was willing to grant "that in the strict Apostolic scene, a man cannot enter into the kingdom of God down here until he is immersed into the name of the Holy Trinity", he went on to contend that

it is undeniable that Divine life is begotten in the soul by the incorruptible seed of the Word in millions of instances where persons have not been immersed, and that though such persons are not born into the kingdom, such of them as walk according to their light have as real fellowship with the Father and with His Son Jesus Christ, as those who have seen baptism as their duty and privilege, and have obeyed the Lord and His Apostles in that ordinance.⁵⁰

Despite this statement, McIntyre was retained as evangelist by the Union. By the time of the quarterly meeting in January, 1882 he had been engaged for twenty weeks. While little had resulted from his labour in the early years, interest had grown. Seven had recently been added to the Dawson Street Church, four to Mount Clear and one to Buninyong.⁵¹

Relationships, however, degenerated rapidly. In March, a frustrated McIntyre wrote to the Ballarat Courier, publicly dissociating himself from Churches of Christ. The co-operating churches were understandably shocked by their public denigration.

They responded by immediately terminating "Mr" J. B. McIntyre's engagement, which had six weeks to run.⁵²

The major point of contention concerned baptism. McIntyre argued that Churches of Christ, in teaching that baptism was "for the remission of sins", insinuated that those who were baptised, but not specifically "for the remission of sins", and this included Baptists, were not truly baptised.⁵³ Whatever the real situation, there were some within the Australian Churches of Christ who did argue this way. It is possible that McIntyre was correct in his assessment of the view of some at Dawson Street. On the other hand, he may have misunderstood them. As to his personal dilemma, he wrote:

As the Disciples do not believe that a man is saved until he is baptised for the remission of sins, it may appear paradoxical that I should be an evangelist among the Disciples, as I have never been baptised for the remission of sins. According to their logic, I am still unsaved, and yet I am an evangelist in connection with two or three of their churches. I never saw my position in this light until today, and of course I must sever my connection with them as soon as possible. If a Baptist comes to the Lord's Table in a Disciple's meeting house, he is welcomed; but as Baptists are not baptised for the remission of sins, and as Disciples, to be consistent with their teachings, cannot therefore regard the Baptists as saved, they are guilty of great inconsistency in admitting Baptists to fellowship. Whenever a Baptist applies to the Disciples for membership, to be consistent with their own teaching, they should be rebaptised for the remission of sins. This is not done, and therefore those who are now Disciples, but who were once Baptists, are unsaved, according to this argument, and many of these unsaved ones are evangelists and teachers.⁵⁴

While McIntyre overstated the position of Churches of Christ, it was obvious that he could not remain within their ranks. On 16th February, he resigned as evangelists with the Union. However, while an association with Churches of Christ was no longer possible, McIntyre was sad to "part from many of the brethren". The root cause of John McIntyre's difference with Churches of Christ was that he had been a Baptist minister, and, though attracted to the broad position of Churches of Christ, remained a Baptist at heart. He could not accommodate what he saw as the narrow views of Churches of Christ. His conversion to Churches of Christ had been rapid, and so too was his defection.⁵⁵ It was unfortunate that he felt it necessary to vent his frustration in the local press.

Brockway

No further appointment was made for three months.

However, in May, a six-month engagement was entered into with Bro. Brockway, who had been ministering at Emerald Hill. That church had "kindly promised 10/- per week in return for the services of Fred Illingworth, who took Brockway's place at Emerald Hill.⁵⁶

Brockway commenced on the 1st. While ministering mostly in the Ballarat area, Brockway, whose addresses were greatly appreciated, ranged as far as Maryborough, some forty miles from Ballarat. He took over presidency of the Bible Class on Wednesday evenings and involved himself in a Thursday night public meeting. He also helped the Union organise their preachers' plan to adequately cover "regular meetings at Ballarat, Buninyong, Mount Clear and Maryborough". Developments in Maryborough, in which Brockway took a special interest, were particularly encouraging. The only disappointing note to be found in the reports of Brockway's activities was that he was unable, during the wet winter months, to take week-night meetings in the country.⁵⁷

The Union Repaired

Three events of significance to the Union occurred during 1882.

First, bad feeling between Dawson Street and Peel Street over the latter's withdrawal from the Union, which placed financial strain on the other churches, was cleared up to everyone's satisfaction. Peel Street agreed to pay the amount due to the Union in full, while the Union agreed to help Peel Street "liquidate their indebtedness to the Footscray Church for Bro. P. Brown's labours". They paid six months contributions. Ballarat East was received back into the Union in November, 1882.⁵⁸

Second, a Dawson Street stalwart, J. T. MacGowan, a deacon who was an effective preacher and had taken his turn over the years at Maryborough, Mount Clear and Buninyong, shifted from Ballarat. He transferred to Emerald Hill.⁵⁹

Third, at the second annual meeting of the Union, in November, it was decided to restrict the area of operation of the Union to the "North and North-Western District". It was originally felt that the Union would become Victoria-wide. While restricting the area of its operations, however, the Union in no way compromised its vision, but advocated the formation of similar unions throughout the whole of Victoria, which it suggested could report to the annual meeting of the Victorian churches in Melbourne. To encourage great participation from local churches in the North and North-Western District, Churches at Castlemaine, Barker's Creek, Walmer, Wedderburn and Dunolly were invited to join.⁶⁰

Brockway's Absence

In April, 1883 Brockway was still being maintained in the field by the Union. He had been ten months in Ballarat, and, on March 31st, was sent by the Union to work for twelve months at Maryborough and Dunolly. These two churches were asked to contribute £1 to his support, which partially re-imbursed the Union for their outlay. In Ballarat, local preaching talent filled-in in Brockway's absence. The churches

were keen to build a financial balance sufficient to enable them to adequately finance their next ministry.⁶¹

Peel Street Again

The Officers at Ballarat East indicated, at their half-yearly meeting in 1884, that they had been endeavouring to secure the services of a suitable evangelist. They were obviously wanting to launch out on their own again.⁶²

George Greenwell

Several months later, probably early June, they engaged George Greenwell. An arrangement was made with Greenwell to remain with the church for twelve months.⁶³

Greenwell, described as "a consistent, able, and highly educated public advocate of the principles of the Reformation" had, many years previously, been engaged in evangelistic work in Lancashire. He was an energetic preacher.

Of commanding presence, possessing a rich powerful voice, highly endowed with power of language, full of poetical fancy, and deeply read in the sacred writings, it may be readily conceived that his public speaking was most attractive and instructive. A nervous energy possessed him when addressing an audience which while subservient to his logical power and the subject he might be speaking upon, rendered him almost oblivious to the presence of his audience.

Greenwell was only known to be disconcerted once--when he discovered that Alexander Campbell was in the audience!

Greenwell, whose wife died of a facial cancer, held "extreme views in regard to the Second Coming of our Lord, and respecting the return of the Jews to Palestine". The fact that he frequently introduced these views into discourses estranged him from many in the British Churches of Christ. For a time he associated himself with the Catholic Apostolic Church, but later returned to Churches of Christ. However, while Greenwell's clear expositions and powerful advocacy "of the principles of Churches of Christ" rendered his discourses most valuable and attractive to intelligent minds", his preaching did not appeal to ordinary people, and "the deep hold his peculiar views had in his mind, and the little sympathy he met with them amongst us, tinged his mind with melancholy, and led to many heart-burnings and disappointments". He was at his best when waxing eloquent on "the power and love of God in Christ".⁶⁴

Greenwell was in his mature years when engaged by Peel Street. He had been working in Adelaide before taking up the ministry at Peel Street.⁶⁵ Greenwell continued with Peel Street for fifteen months, until January 1885.⁶⁶ He intended to transfer to Castlemaine,⁶⁷ but negotiations fell through. He preached for a month at

Swanston Street before joining his family in Adelaide early in November.⁶⁸ He died on 9th August 1886.⁶⁹

Ramage

After Greenwell's departure, local men, though rusty, carried on the preaching. Gospel meetings were addressed by one of their "own young brothers" whose preaching was highly commended. Though his name was not given, it was probably Ramage who was being referred to.⁷⁰

The Thurgoods

The most significant ministry within Churches of Christ in Ballarat in the period 1870-1900 was that of the Thurgoods.

C. L. Thurgood was the eldest son of W. C. Thurgood, a wholesale pastry cook and biscuit maker of 209 Swanston Street, Melbourne.⁷¹ Charlie was born in London, on September 29th, 1856. His early education was acquired at Carlton College, Melbourne. As a young man of 21 he went to America to study for the ministry at Kentucky University College of Arts and Bible, between 1877 and 1882. While at the University, Thurgood enjoyed "the reputation of being a good man". Among other things he was responsible for the setting up of a Y.M.C.A. at Lexington, which, by the time he came to leave, employed a full-time secretary. On graduating, he married a Lexington girl, Nettie (Antoinette) Hensel, the two being dubbed "a powerful combination for good". He arrived in Melbourne, along with his new wife and another Australian graduate, C. A. Moore, on board the Rosetta on Wednesday 29th November. A tea meeting was held at Lygon Street by the Melbourne churches to welcome the young people home on December 5th.⁷²

On arriving back in Australia Thurgood and his wife immediately began a three-week evangelistic campaign in Geelong, when ten people were won for Christ.⁷³

From Geelong the Thurgoods visited Ballarat. Arriving on 28th March, they presented themselves at the Wednesday evening Bible Class. On Thursday night Thurgood preached at Ballarat East, and, on Sunday, April 1st, commenced an evangelistic campaign at Dawson Street. Services were held Mondays, Tuesdays, Wednesdays, Thursdays and Sunday evenings. This programme, repeated each week, had, by the 20th, resulted in five baptisms.⁷⁴

Nettie Thurgood, revealing an unusual degree of energy and drive, was not to be outdone. She organised a class of ten new scholars, which grew almost overnight to 26. It was remarked that "many of these were not church members, and some were old enough for our sister's father". She also organised a Sisters' prayer meeting that

met half an hour before the evening service to pray for the effectiveness of the preaching. Attendance at this pre-gospel prayer meeting averaged 20.⁷⁵

The Thurgoods left Ballarat to return to Geelong on the 3rd May. In the month they were in Ballarat, 11 were added by faith and baptism to Peel Street, and 5 to Dawson Street.⁷⁶ Ballarat people did not forget the Thurgoods, who were invited to address the annual meeting of the Evangelistic Union held at Mount Clear on November 9th, at which representatives of Maryborough, Dunolly Beaufort, Geelong, Mount Clear, Buninyong and the two Ballarat churches were present.⁷⁷ By November of the following year, the Evangelistic Union was able to announce that C. L. Thurgood had accepted an invitation to labour with the Ballarat churches under its auspices. He was to commence in February, 1885.⁷⁸

The Thurgoods remained in Ballarat for three years. On announcing he was leaving Ballarat, Thurgood was invited by the Victorian Missionary Committee to conduct a three-month's mission in Horsham. He refused the offer, as he "intended completing a course of studies in the Melbourne University". He was keen to obtain a Victorian degree, and so better qualify himself for scholastic work.⁷⁹ Thurgood remained at the University for three years (1888-1890), after which he returned with his wife to America. After a brief one-year ministry at Ococeel Florida, the Thurgoods, in 1892, settled into a long ministry in Central Pittsburg, Pennsylvania.⁸⁰

Charlie Thurgood was energetic, crisp in his comments and highly organised. One of the first things he did on arriving in Ballarat was to organise deacons' meetings at Ballarat West on a more business-like footing.⁸¹ He did the same for Ballarat East in 1887.⁸² It would appear to have been his influence that resulted in more detailed minutes being kept and in the active participation of the Ballarat Churches in the Victorian Missionary Committee's programme of "1000 souls and more for the Kingdom, and 1000 sovereigns for the Lord's treasury for missionary purposes".⁸³

Peel Street saw the advantage of sharing Thurgood's services and allowed themselves to be carried along by his enthusiasm. In 1886, quarterly meetings of officers of the four churches were being held.⁸⁴ In November, 1887, at the annual meeting of the Union, "It was unanimously resolved that the "Union" disband, as the congregations of Dawson Street, Peel Street, Mount Clear and Buninyong, who comprised the "Union", had agreed to be known as the "Ballarat District Church of Christ", and work under one officership, thus doing away with the necessity for a union for evangelistic purposes.⁸⁵ In July, the Peel Street Church agreed to dispose of their property "as soon as a suitable central site can be obtained with a view to the two Ballarat churches meeting in one building",⁸⁶ though they later got cold feet. This initiative was undoubtedly also Thurgood's, so that, when he announced,

a year later, that he was leaving,⁸⁷ the plan to consolidate the two congregations was shelved.

Thurgood's major concern, apart from direct evangelism, was the equipping of young men for ministry. Shortly after arriving in Ballarat he established an Adelphian Society, made up of men from Dawson and Peel Streets. Almost immediately, the Society began subscribing to Herndon's Christian Quarterly. Towards the close of 1885, a Speaker's Committee was formed to arrange speaking appointments for those who were shaping up as evangelists. As time wore on, the Society increasingly concentrated on training preachers. It was "a training class in analysis of texts and sermons, short talks in hermeneutics and exegesis, with elements of Greek and mental philosophy". Thurgood's method was to choose an epistle, to comment on the most important Greek words, and then to analyse the book, paragraph by paragraph, on the blackboard. This entailed a great amount of work.⁸⁸

Towards the latter part of 1886, members of the Adelphian Class, and a Christian Endeavour Society that Mrs. Thurgood had formed for young women, conducted open-air meetings as a prelude to a seven-weeks' crusade at Buninyong, Mount Clear and Ballarat East and West.⁸⁹ Another crusade, involving open-air and cottage meetings, followed by meetings in the four churches, was organised the following year. The young men of the society were enthusiastic and had their eyes set on pioneering work in Creswick, St. Arnaud, Beaufort and Gordon.⁹⁰ What Thurgood was doing was to involve them, throughout the year, in his ministry. This is obvious from their projected 1887 programme:

January and February: Cottage mission meetings to encircle the town and city. March, April and May: Gospel crusade, for 10 weeks, six nights a week, at five points. June, July and August: A central combined mission of three or four weeks protracted services. September, October and November: Have agreed to take up a definite course of study.⁹¹

In the July issue of the Standard Thurgood commented that the year's programme was well under way. The Cottage meetings had concluded and the outlying chapel missions were well attended. The young people had already chalked up 51 evening meetings at which 120 discourses had been delivered. 1800 homes had been visited and 5000 tracts distributed.⁹²

The reason why Thurgood gave so much time and attention to the Adelphian Classes was that he was consumed with a desire to call young men to ministry and to offer them what training he could in theory and practice.

His sights, however, were set beyond the Society. As early as September, 1885 he addressed himself, through the Australian Christian Standard, to young men "wishing to equip themselves for evangelistic work" and who were "unable by reason

of expense to go to England or America for that purpose". He invited them to contact him. He felt that, if there were sufficient interested, these could "afford a basis for an intercolonial college movement".⁹³

In the October, 1886 issue of the Standard, Thurgood returned to the theme of training for ministry. He challenged the youth of the churches to make sacrifices, to forgo "wealth making businesses, and go out with the sole desire to seek and save the lost". He encouraged those who were willing to take up the challenge to write to him at 1 Seymour Crescent, Ballarat.⁹⁴ When, a little later, the leadership of the Australian Churches of Christ began to talk of forming an Australian Bible College, Thurgood was delighted.⁹⁵

When it looked as if a Bible college would eventually be established in South Australia, Thurgood awaited notification of the structure and the content of the first year course, as he planned to teach it himself in Ballarat, where young men would have the advantage of abundant speaking appointments and cheap board. He again suggested that aspiring young men contact him.⁹⁶ Thurgood's vision of a school for evangelism in Ballarat was coming closer to fruition towards the close of 1887, when he formulated a prospectus. His "School of the Bible", located in Ballarat, was to be devoted to "Biblical Tuition embracing its history, its investigation, its interpretation, and its proclamation". Thurgood was to be "its preceptor" and the officers of the Ballarat and District Church of Christ were to assist him as a "Board of Advice".⁹⁷

Thurgood's decision to leave Ballarat shortly afterwards must have disappointed, not only the keen Adelphians, but also intending students. However, his desire to involve himself in training young men for ministry was related to his decision. It was obviously for this reason that he enrolled at Melbourne University.⁹⁸ In setting up the "School", he may well have discovered that his American qualifications counted for little in Australia. It is interesting that he did not leave because he was called away to another church. He merely decided to conclude his Ballarat ministry--and that when he appeared to be in full flight!

One of the reasons why Thurgood may have finished up could have been that he overextended himself. He was given a month off during 1887 to recoup from exhaustion.⁹⁹ From the beginning, he kept himself working at a cracking pace. Between February and July, 1885, that is, in the first six months of his ministry, Thurgood had made 352 visits to members and 107 to strangers. He travelled 500 miles by cab and foot to and from country preaching appointments. The cab hire was considerably expensive, though indispensable.¹⁰⁰ He personally distributed over 400 tracts and circulars. At Dawson Street he was involved at 9 services or meetings each week, apart from 17 in surrounding churches in the country.¹⁰¹ And this was

before he had taken on restructuring officers' boards and the Union, developing an Adelphian Society and Year-round crusades!

Nettie Thurgood, though little more than a young lass, and far from home, was no less enthusiastic than her husband. She is best remembered for her work among women, especially the development of Women's Conferences.

In 1882, on a brief visit to Ballarat, she organised a Sisters Pre-Gospel prayer meeting.¹⁰² Later that year, while the Thurgood's were still at Geelong, Nettie addressed women associated with the Evangelistic Union's Annual Meeting on 9th November at Buninyong. She was appointed to preside over the meeting, which included discussion on Dorcas Societies, Sisters Prayer Meetings, Mothers' Meetings, Teachers' Meetings and Young Ladies Societies. It was decided to hold such a Conference each year at the annual meeting of the Union.¹⁰³

Nettie's energy was evident in an open letter she addressed, in January 1885, to the women of the Victorian Churches. After mentioning that she had, while holidaying!, visited the Sick Children's Hospital, the Blind Asylum, and the Benevolent Asylum, she went on to stress the desperate need for "organized Christian effort among the sisters of our Churches". She lamented the fact that she had heard of only "one weekly Sister's prayer meeting and young ladies Bible class (at North Fitzroy) in all the seven churches--and more, of Melbourne and its suburbs". There was so much unrealised potential to be matched with needs--winning others for Christ and bringing comfort. She concluded the letter by suggesting that a Sister's Conference be organised at the time of the Annual Conference of the Victorian Churches.¹⁰⁴

Immediately after moving to Ballarat, Nettie Thurgood organised a Sister's Church Aid Society.¹⁰⁵ She later published an account of the programme of this Society in the Australian Christian Standard, with the aim of encouraging other churches to set up similar societies. Any such a society, she argued, should be comprehensive, well organised and so designed that the Board was kept informed at every step of what was happening. The aim of such a society should be two-fold. The sisters should concern themselves with both "the household of faith" and "the world at large".

In connection with the "household of faith". 1. See that those sisters who are capable of teaching in the Sunday School are so doing. 2. Let someone be appointed to make a systematic and weekly gathering of "pence" or more, for the now very needy missionary fund. 3. Let no sister who is behind in her work, by sickness or struggling position, lack sewing, or cutting, or other help proffered. 4. See that our aged brethren and sisters are visited regularly, and supplied with our periodicals and comforting papers. 5. Determine to have a real, live, sister's prayer meeting, say, half an hour before the mid-week meeting. 6. See that it is some sister's special duty to look after the candidates and garments for

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baptism, also the internal comforts of the building, the carpets, cleanliness, etc. 7. The Girls' Friendly Society of the Church of England has within it girls from the different denominations. Take the hint, and see that our young sisters and girls are similarly provided for. 8. The immediate making known of the full name and address of new members, so that they may be called upon at once, and their acquaintance strengthened.

The second field of consideration is the world about us: 1.Visiting children of the Sunday School, and inviting other children to come. 2. Calling upon, and inviting neighbours in the district to the meetings. 3. Visiting, as well as seeing, that the poor and sick are cared for. 4. Calling upon, and giving kindly welcome to any visitors or strangers that attend the services. 5. The weekly or monthly distribution of our papers and tracts in our own neighbourhood.¹⁰⁶

While the main impact of Mrs. Thurgood's enterprise was experienced in the area of women's work, she was also concerned for the young girls of the church. She is credited with organising the first Christian Endeavour Society in Australia at Geelong in 1883.¹⁰⁷ On arriving in Ballarat in 1885 she immediately set about organising a Young Ladies Society there.¹⁰⁸ At the second annual meeting of the Society, in 1887, the previous year's accomplishments were reviewed. Thirty-seven meetings had been conducted with a total attendance of 308. 37 readings had been brought, as well as 12 recitations, 20 solos and duets, 8 Scripture recitations, as well as 6 blackboard questions. Furthermore,

The young ladies contributed a trunk full of very handsomely made articles for the South Street Society (the material was provided by that society, some of the young ladies, however, donated their own material); also pictures for children of the Orphanage. 39 pairs of cuffs were croched, and knitted for the old women in the Benevolent Asylum. About 1000 bouquets have been sent to the hospital throughout the year, every Saturday afternoon.¹⁰⁹

When the Thurgoods left, the Ballarat Churches must have felt an awful void. Though paying only the one salary, they had enjoyed the benefit of a husband and wife team who were so enthusiastic, energetic and well-organised that they must have seemed equivalent to three full-time men!

Finances

Between the departure of the Thurgoods and the turn of the century, the Ballarat Churches were without a settled evangelistic ministry. The major reason for this was financial. The Union had accumulated reserves to finance the ministry of the Thurgoods.¹¹⁰ The pace the latter set must have run them dry, particularly as Peel Street, with dwindling numbers, was able to contribute less as the century wore on. The depression of the early 90's, while felt less in Ballarat than most other places in Australia, had the effect of encouraging an even greater degree of parsimoniousness.¹¹¹

While the Ballarat Churches were without a continuing ministry, they were not left entirely on their own. The Victorian Missionary Committee kept them in mind. The churches invited many church leaders in Melbourne to take charge of special anniversary services and were frequently approached by individuals and Conference committees who were keen to publicise their work in Ballarat and add to their funds. Lantern lectures were a feature of this period, and many who travelled were keen to lecture. Dawson Street was fortunate that Charles Martin, whose Bible Class became the main feature of the life of the church during the 1890's, returned from Glasgow in 1889.¹¹²

John Strang

In 1889 the Ballarat Churches were visited by John Strang. While he was only with them for a month, Strang rekindled enthusiasm.¹¹³

Strang was an Englishman, who, after labouring for a time in South Australia, had returned to England to work with the church at Leicester. He came out to Australia again at the invitation of the church in Sydney, and was later engaged by the church at Lygon Street and the Victorian Missionary Committee. Before coming to Ballarat, he had been working for short periods with churches at Newstead, Croydon, Bet Bet, Dunolly, Maryborough, Taradale, Euroa, Drummond, Bairnsdale, Sale, Geelong and Lancefield.¹¹⁴ It was after conducting a month's campaign at Lancefield that he came on to Ballarat.¹¹⁵ He found Peel Street in the doldrums due to "the frequent removal from the district, owing to the fluctuating character of the mining interests and other things". By contrast, services at Dawson Street were reasonably full and during his stay three were immersed.¹¹⁶

Isaac Selby

The most conspicuous feature of the life of Ballarat churches in the year 1890 were several visits Isaac Selby paid to the area.

Brought up as a lad in the Congregational Church in Dunedin, Selby, while a young man, became an ardent Secularist. He was for two years secretary of the Dunedin Freethought Association and he came to Australia warmly recommended by its Executive. Selby helped form the Australasian Secular Association in Melbourne. He shifted to New South Wales, where he "made his debut as an 'infidel lecturer'". When it was discovered that the advertised speaker was drunk, Selby was asked to take his place. His success on this occasion led to his adopting freethought lecturing as a profession. He engaged in a series of celebrated debates with churchmen in Australia and New Zealand.¹¹⁷

When debating with Matthew Wood Green, an Englishman working with the Australian Churches of Christ, Selby found himself disarmed. Green did not attempt

to defend the Christianity of the day, but that of Apostolic times. The debate was reported verbatim and printed.¹¹⁸ While Selby remained a Secularist for some years after this, he renounced Secularism in 1889. Baptised by Charles Watt at the Church of Christ at Enmore in New South Wales, he was invited to become evangelist at the Swanston Street Church. It was while he was there that he visited Ballarat. Selby shifted in the middle of 1891 to Lygon Street.¹¹⁹

On his first visit to Ballarat, on 13th March, Selby spoke of his pilgrimage "From Atheism to Christianity" to a full house at the Trades Hall. A local parliamentarian, J. W. Kirton, Esq. MP chaired the meeting.¹²⁰ This lecture, which became a favourite, was later published as a booklet.¹²¹ A Second visit, on May 2nd, was equally successful.¹²²

G. T. Walden

For Churches of Christ in Ballarat a highlight of the year 1891 was the visit of George T. Walden.

Walden was born in Newtown, Sydney, on October 23rd, 1861. His mother died when he was five and his father seven years later, when George went to Adelaide to live with an uncle and aunt. Walden went to America in 1882 to study at Kentucky University. He returned to Australia in 1888, when he married a daughter of Mr. R. Verco of Adelaide. He worked with the church at Lygon Street for three and a half years, during which time 200 were baptised, lifting the membership from 380 to 500. He was also, for most of this period, co-editor of the Christian Pioneer. In June, 1892 he took up the work of the Prestigious West London Tabernacle, where Sidney Black had made a name for himself. The illness of his eldest child, however, forced him to return to Australia. In 1896 Walden was engaged at the church at Enmore in New South Wales. He remained there to enjoy a long and conspicuously successful ministry.¹²³

Walden spent a week at Dawson Street, giving a lantern lecture, speaking at the Sunday School Anniversary and preaching on the Sunday, when seven "made the good confession".¹²⁴

Joseph Pittman

The guest speaker at the Sunday School Anniversary in 1892 and 1893 was Joseph Pittman.

Pittman, who was born in London in 1842 and converted at 18, worked for thirty years with the London City Mission in a densely populated area of West London. During much of this time he conducted a Bible Class which was open to all. To this class came, not only clergymen of the Church of England, but also Mr. Robert Black, the father of Sydney, and Milner Black, who became outstanding preachers

in the Church of Christ. Pittman was impressed by Black and his plea for "an unqualified return to the religion of Christ as found in the New Testament". At a time when overtures were being made to him to "try for 'holy Orders' in the Church of England", he found himself irresistibly attracted by the style of Christianity advocated by Churches of Christ. His wife, who was born in London, had been immersed in 1869, and this fact, together with the influence of leaders in the nearby Church of Christ at Chelsea, Bartley Ellis and Henry Exley, convinced Pittman that he should be immersed. A Baptist minister, Mr. Frank White, conducted the baptism.

Pittman's position in the Mission Society, however, was becoming increasingly untenable. Because the Society sought the assistance of all churches, Pittman felt himself unnecessarily restricted in what he could preach. He had to keep quiet on the question of baptism and on a growing conviction that the Church ought not to be dependent on the State.

Nine years after his baptism, Pittman resigned as Missioner and became a member at the Chelsea Church. He entered upon a business venture that enabled him to adequately maintain his family. At the end of the year he was invited by the General Evangelistic Committee of Churches of Christ in Britain to devote his whole time to evangelism. After eleven years in this work he was invited to Victoria.

The Pittmans arrived in Victoria in 1888. They were not in Australia long before they purchased a large double-fronted villa in Armidale, which Pittman paid off out of his own salary, for use as a Rescue Home for young girls in trouble. Joseph Pittman was a person of independent thought, warm evangelistic zeal and concern for the suffering.

With Pittman continuing with his evangelistic work, responsibility for the day-to-day running of the home fell on Mrs. Pittman. She was a tower of strength. Five years after arriving in Australia, besides being superintendent at the Armidale Rescue Home, Mrs. Pittman served as one of the Vice-Presidents of the Victorian Sisters Conference and Superintendent of the Sisters' Victorian Missionary Committee. Furthermore, through her involvement in Temperance work, she was given charge of the Rescue Department of the Women's Christian Temperance Union. It is hardly surprising that the Pittmans' children and grandchildren contributed so outstandingly to the work of Churches of Christ in Australia.¹²⁵

Pittman was in Ballarat for a week, in August 1892. Besides preaching at the Dawson Street Sunday School Anniversary, he also spoke at Peel Street and to 39 young people at Charles Martin's Bible Class. Before leaving, he was taken on a tour of a 365-foot mine shaft.¹²⁶ The following July he brought his wife to Ballarat.¹²⁷ On both occasions he returned with a healthy amount for the work of the Rescue Home.

W. Cavanagh

Despite a lack of numbers, Peel Street, towards the end of November 1892, invited W. Cavanagh to work with them for a month at a salary of £6 for the month.¹²⁸ Cavanagh, who put in two Sundays and the week between at Dawson Street, where his preaching and visiting were praised, also gave a lecture on the Crimean War, attracting several of his old shipmates and other Crimean veterans.¹²⁹ Cavanagh remained with the Peel Street Church for at least three months. While there were no converts, two sisters were restored and attendances at services lifted.¹³⁰

Others who visited the Church of Christ is Ballarat late in 1892 were J. Barnacle¹³¹ and A. M. Ludbrook, who followed Selby at Swanston Street.¹³²

A. M. Ludbrook

A. M. Ludbrook, associated in his youth with the Church of Christ at Chelsea, like Pittman, came under the influence of Robert Black. In the light of this it is not surprising that he developed an enthusiasm for evangelism.

In time, Ludbrook began wondering whether he should devote himself more exclusively to preaching. Returning from the 1887 Annual Meeting at Glasgow, he spoke several times at Carlisle and Wigan. Two of the members of the General Evangelistic Committee happened to be present and heard him. They invited him to labour full-time with the Committee. He worked in the West Riding of Yorkshire, at Dewsbury, Birstall, Manchester and Rochdale and was responsible, along with Bartley Ellis, for commencing a church at Burslem. In 1890 he travelled to Canada and the United States, where he studied at Kentucky University. A cablegram brought him to Swanston Street, where he worked for two and a half years. He then went to New Zealand for a year's ministry with the church at Oamaru. From there he left for England, via Egypt and Palestine. He returned after 17 months to lecture extensively on "Egypt and the Holy Land".¹³³

Returning from a tour of the Wimmera in 1892, Ludbrook preached at Ballarat, late in the year, at the Charity Sunday services. He also took a service on the Thursday evening and spoke at Martin's Bible Class on the Saturday evening.¹³⁴

Picton's Visit

The only other event of major significance in 1893, besides Pittman's visit, was the fact that Picton returned mid-year to spend several weeks with the Peel Street Church.

This "redoubtable opponent of infidels and folks of that ilk" had spent much of his time since leaving Ballarat crusading against Evolutionists, in Sydney, Tasmania, England and New Zealand.¹³⁵

After he visited Peel St., leaders spoke of benefiting from his "sound teaching". Picton delivered two lectures while he was with the church. The first was on "The Verity of Christ's Resurrection" and the second on "Miracle and Scientific Thought". The church at the time was keeping up its outdoor preaching.¹³⁶

Nothing spectacular seems to have happened during 1894 and 1895.

A. B. Maston

Though invited to Ballarat in October, 1895, A. B. Maston was unable to schedule the visit until mid-way through the following year.¹³⁷

Aaron Burr Maston was born in Coshocton County, Ohio, USA in 1853. Trained as an evangelist, Maston was invited by O. A. Carr, another American, who had spent some time working successfully in Australia, to minister at Wellington in New Zealand. From Wellington, Maston moved to Hobart in Tasmania, and then to Hotham, as North Melbourne was then known. Maston's major interest was in printing and publishing. He encouraged several church leaders to work with him to set up a publishing house and he managed to merge the two major Churches of Christ periodicals into a substantial federal journal. The Australian Christian, as it was known, was first published in 1898. Maston published countless tracts, reprinted several titles first published by Sister churches in Britain and America and encouraged the publication of distinctly Australian productions, sermons, brief doctrinal works, travel diaries and histories. The most lavish production published by the Austral Printing Company was the Jubilee History of Churches of Christ in Australasia, which was printed in 1903, four years before Maston died of an eye cancer, from which he had suffered excruciatingly for a considerable time.¹³⁸

Maston spent the whole of May, 1896 with the Church at Dawson Street. While he was there the chapel was crowded on Sunday evenings and well-filled on Mondays. Seven were won during this period.¹³⁹

Picton Again

Peel Street was encouraged by Picton's return to the area in 1897. He rekindled enthusiasm and his presence was a draw card with those who had known him previously but had ceased attending. He ministered at Corowa prior to returning to Ballarat.¹⁴⁰

Picton was welcomed at a tea meeting at Peel Street on 15th June. He contracted with the church to preach at pm services. This meant re-opening the chapel on

Sunday evenings, as services had been in abeyance, due to the depressed state of the church. Through his preaching and assiduous visiting, attendances soon rose to 60.¹⁴¹ Enthusiasm continued unabated until the early months of 1898.¹⁴²

At the half-yearly meeting in October a difference of opinion arose between Picton and the church. He argued that they should rearrange the various elements of their morning service to conform to Acts 2:42, according to which the Apostles doctrine and fellowship (the preaching and offering) came before "the breaking of bread and prayers". The church, however, decided to leave things as they were.¹⁴³ Picton seems to have departed shortly afterwards, though he was back in 1900 and chaired their half-yearly meeting.¹⁴⁴ By 1906 Peel Street was again having to call on Dawson Street to supply preachers for their evening services.¹⁴⁵

Between 1897 and 1900 not a great deal of historic significance seems to have occurred within the Ballarat Churches of Christ.

[BCOC 87-110]