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Graeme Chapman
No Other Foundation, Vol. II. (1993)

 

 

D. SOCIAL QUESTIONS

 

 


INTRODUCTION

      This section will be concerned with social ills, social problems and social issues.



1. SOCIAL ILLS

INTRODUCTION

      The social ills that concerned Churches of Christ during the period were dancing, the theatre, gambling and alcohol.

 



      a. DANCING

D. A. Ewers, A.C., 1898, p. 404.

DANCING

W. G. Spurlock

      Some well-meaning man and woman who are members of the church firmly believe there is no harm in dancing. How often we hear young church members ask: "What harm is there in dancing? I read in the bible of people dancing, who were good people." I believe that dancing is a great evil, and in doing more to demoralise church and society than the Christian mothers who are training their daughters for the ballroom have any idea. While I see no reason why Christians should engage in dancing, I see many, why they should not:

      1. It is nowhere commanded in the bible.

      2. Although engaged in by men and women of God at times under the old dispensation, it was never sought as a pleasure, as now, but was one of the ways they praised God in the time of victory. 3. The sexes did not dance together as now.

      4. The New Testament tells of but one case of dancing, and that in purpose is more like the dancing now-a-days than any dancing in the whole bible. This dancing, which was engaged in by the daughter of one of the wicked women of the Roman Empire, resulted in the death of John the Baptist.

      5. Dancing is not done in the name of the Lord. Paul says: "Do all things in the name of the Lord."

      6. Dancing is revelling, and Paul says those who do such things shall not inherit the kingdom.

      7. It is heathenish. The less of civilization a nation has, the more of dancing.

      8. It leads to expensive and gorgeous dress.

      9. It unfits the mind for reflection.

      10. It leads to the violation of the laws of health, among which are the great loss of sleep and too much exercise.

      11. It keeps people up all night who are too delicate to sit up with the sick or dying for one hour.

      12. The ministers of the Gospel cannot engage in it without doing serious damage to the religion of Christ.

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      13. Our Saviour did not dance.

      14. The apostles and early Christians did not dance.

      15. Dancing is of ill repute.

      16. No one dying sends for a dancing master to pray for or comfort him.

      17. No good dancer wants it placed on his tombstone when he is dead; "Here lies Dick Jones the dancing master."

      18. No one dances in memory of a departed friend.

      19. It creates and fosters a love for the cup.

      20. It tolerates a freedom between the sexes which is immodest and often results perniciously.

      21. Hundreds of blasted characters can date their first step to ruin to their first visit to the ballroom.

      22. It creates a jealousy between man and wife, between lover and lover.

      23. It required no brains to be a dancing master.

      24. It weakens a person morally.

      25. It weakens his influence for good.

      26. It is a useless art.

      27. No Christian can attend balls and keep unspotted from the world.

      28. We cannot let our light shine in the ballroom.

      29. Dancing is not a healthful exercise.

      30. We are to glorify God in our bodies and spirits. Can we do it by dancing?

Gospel Advocate.      


D. A. Ewers, A.C., 1904, p. 515.

A BAD START

      1. Because the round dance had its origin amid a viciously impure atmosphere; it was brought to light in the low dens of Continental Europe, and at the first was only indulged in by the immoral. Anything with such an origin cannot be pure and good.

      2. Because the dance has caused many to fall into sin. A large number of abandoned women owe their downfall to the dance. Anything with such results cannot be pure and good.

      3. Because I am a Christian, and as such I should abstain from all that leads to impurity and sin, and the dance so tends. As a Christian I should seek to do all that I engage in to the glory of God, and it is impossible to engage in the dance to such.

Thos. Hagger.      

 



      b. THE THEATRE

D. A. Ewers, C.P., 1897, p. 188.

      "The Sign of the Cross."--The religious play with this title is being acted at one of the Sydney theatres and is attracting the attention of many church-goers. Commended by the press and under the patronage of some of the clergy, it is not surprising that many who have hitherto shunned the theatre are being drawn into it. The sublime devotion and religious fervor of the early Christians in the face of pagan persecution is acted with fidelity, and produces a favorable impression upon hundreds who have been accustomed to regard the stage with aversion. The management struck upon a good idea when they sent a free invitation to all ministers and arranged a special afternoon performance for their benefit. The bait was freely taken, and now they can be, and of course are, quoted as an example which all should follow. The result is that members of their congregations are flocking in numbers to the play, and the habit of theatre-going is being introduced into many fish homes. The majority of the new converts to stage fascinations will continue to attend, and some will have cause to curse the day when their Reverend guides led them into danger. If a minister of religion disgraces his profession by drink or immorality he is very rightly despised and deserted; but it matters not how "shady" the lives of the actors may be, if they take part in a religious play they will receive the countenance and financial help of church members, who will shed maudlin tears as they witness the representations of piety and prayer by those to whom the reality is unknown. Surely the great adversary of souls must rejoice as he sees the success of this latest move to win the pious, who so readily follow their spiritual guides. If the blind lead the blind only one result can be expected.


D. A. Ewers, C.P., 1897, p. 236.

      The Influence of the Stage.--If a tree is to be judged by its fruit, the stage must be condemned as the enemy of the cross of Christ. Who ever heard of men made sober and women virtuous

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by theatre-going? But on the other hand thousands of young men and women are annually led into paths of vice through its influence. The associations of the theatre, like the gin shop, are impure. It attracts the vicious and immoral. This is a notorious fact that no one who knows anything about it can deny. Of course we do not affirm, that all who attend are of this class, but we do affirm that a very considerable proportion are, and there is nothing in the theatre to alter this state of things, and herein lies the great danger to the virtuous who frequent the theatre. "Evil communications corrupt good manners."


D. A. Ewers, A.C., 1904, p. 499.

WHY I DO NOT ATTEND THE THEATRE

      Because I could not take Christ there.

      Because theatre-going does not deepen spiritual life.

      Because in our actions we are serving either one or the other of two masters. If we wish to serve God faithfully, there are many ways more desirable than theatre-going

      Because my time could be more profitably employed in other ways, such as studying God's Word and finding out more of his will concerning us. He requires this of us (Eph. 5:17).

      Because, if I attended theatres, it would be solely for self-gratification. This I consider to be contrary to the spirit of Christianity.

      Because my example would not impress anyone--whether a Christian or not--as being one worthy of a Christian.

John I. Mudford.      
      Lockwood.


      As a Christian I am warned by the Word of God to abstain from every appearance of evil. In going to the theatre I walk on the forbidden ground. Abstinence from evil and separation from the giddy pleasure-seekers is my first reason.

      My theatre-going will be the means of driving away my weaker brethren in the faith from Christ, and I may become a stumbling-block. Bad example is my second reason.

      As a Christian I should use my money for a good cause. Whilst thousands die in heathen darkness, how could I sit and enjoy the pleasures of the devil and neglect the cause of Christ? Neglect of duty is my third reason.

L. O. Wichremasinghe.      
      Perth.

 



      c. GAMBLING

J. J. Haley, A.C.W., 1883, p. 34.

      The world moves, and it is gratifying to know that it sometimes moves in the right direction. Perhaps the most scandalous thing in modern church financing is the worldly methods employed to get money. When the ecclesiastical exchequer runs low, it is tacitly understood amongst churchman that the end justifies the means, and that money must be obtained by the most promising method to hand, downright stealing only excepted. Hence bazaars, lotteries, raffles, fairs, and such like are gotten up in the most attractive style to entice money from the pockets of all and sundry. The Church of England, with the exception of Rome, has sinned the most grievously in the use of these un-Christian methods to raise cash, and it is with pleasure, therefore, that we record the fact that the consciences of some of the Anglican clergy have begin to be exercised on the subject. At the late Church of England Synod, a motion was submitted by Canon Potter, condemning the practice of raising money for church purposes by lotteries and other games of chance, as demoralising and scandalous. Quite a number of well-known clergymen spoke in favour of the proposition. Only two speakers advocated lotteries, and one of them showed the luminousness of his intelligence by remarking that "not a single text of Scripture could be cited condemnatory of games of chance." The Bishop approved the spirit of Canon Potter's resolution but objected to the terms in which it was couched. He considered that the words "demoralising" and "scandalous" should be excised, and the milder word "inexpedient" substituted. The motion was ultimately carried in this form. We believe that the adoption of the Bishop's suggestion very much weakened the motion. The condemnation of sin in mild language and soft words takes away at least half its sinfulness. Gambling in connection with churches to get money, is demoralising and scandalous, and why should there be any objection to saying so? It is something to be thankful for, however, that the matter has been taken up, and it gives us great pleasure to note this indication of improvement in a much-needed direction.


D. A. Ewers, A.C., 1907, p. 182.

5. ANTI-GAMBLING CRUSADE

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      The past year has been a notable one for agitation by the churches against many of the existing evils, especially in regard to intemperance and gambling. The former we leave in the hands of the Temperance Committee. With regard to the latter, we beg to report that we considered it our duty, when the Methodists led in a vigorous attack on gambling and kindred evils, to show that we were with them in the effort to suppress the same. Consequently the following resolution was passed:--

"The Executive Committee of the Conference of Associated Churches of Christ in Victoria has noticed with pleasure your splendid efforts in regard to the anti-gambling crusade, and desires to express its appreciation of the same, and assure you of its sympathy and practical held."

      A copy of this was sent to those leading in the campaign, and Bren. Jas. Johnston, H.G. Harward, and A. Millis were appointed to represent the Churches of Christ in a deputation to the Premier of Victoria.

 



2. SOCIAL PROBLEMS

INTRODUCTION

      The social problems that were of concern during the period were the secularization of Sunday, militarism and unemployment.

 



      a. SUNDAY

J. J. Haley, A.C.W., 1883, pp. 168-170.

THE SUNDAY QUESTION

      We agree with the Sunday Observance League in its opposition to the opening of the National Art Gallery and Public Library on the Lord's Day; but we do not base our opposition upon what are usually known as strictly Sabbatarian grounds. We emphatically reject the Presbyterian and Methodistic doctrine that the fourth commandment of the Decalogue is still binding on the Christian world. The old Puritanic notion that the law of the Jewish Sabbath is obligatory upon Christians, and is our authority for the sanctification of the first day of the week is as irrational and unscriptural as the doctrine of baptism in the place of circumcision, or the Lord's Supper as a substitute for the Jewish Passover. All three of these ideas, in fact, are founded in the exigencies of Paedo-baptist theology, which, unable to justify itself from reason and the New Testament Scriptures, falls back on abrogated Judaism for a reason of the hope that is within it. The observance of the seventh day of the week, on the authority of the fourth commandment, like all the ceremonial and positive institutions of Judaism, was nailed to the cross when Christ died, and is not of binding obligation upon Christians unless specifically re-enacted in the constitution of the New Covenant.

      We believe from the above reasons that the Jewish Sabbath has been abolished, and is hence not binding on Christians; but we believe from still higher considerations in the observance and sanctification of the first day of the week in memory of the resurrection of Christ, from the example of the early church under the direction and approval of the Apostles. This with the Christian is sufficient authority for the consecration of the day to religious culture, devout meditation, and the worship of God. It may be laid down as a first thought that Christians can have nothing to do with any movement that has a tendency to lower the tone of the sacredness of the Lord's day. He does not take this position because he attaches any superstitious sanctity or fictitious importance to the day, but because he is moved by the strongest reasons that can influence human hearts to desire to preserve the day in its original integrity as a "day for

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rest and serious joy designed." Public Libraries and Art Galleries are under the control of the irreligious State, desires to throw open its institutions for public inspection on Sunday it will do so. In fact the world has always desecrated, profaned, and disregarded the Lord's Day, and it always will as long as it remains the world; and so far as we are concerned, we think about the least objectionable mode of desecration is spending an hour or two in a Public Library or Picture Gallery. Christians need not effect surprise that the world will do these things, nor have we a right to object with special decisiveness unless the proposed movement is detrimental to the morals of society, or unless it threatens to imperil, the existence of the day as a day of rest. We believe that the present agitation has an indirect tendency to do this. Although apparently a very small matter in itself, it is in our opinion the entering wedge of the secularizing spirit of modern indifference and unbelief. It is the first step towards the complete secularization of the day, and hence towards its entire destruction as a religious institution. He who thinks that the spirit of innovation, when it once commences, will stop with these small beginnings has read history and studied human nature to no purpose. Secularists and worldlings, who are the chief instruments in agitating the present movement, will not be satisfied with so small an advance as opening the Public Library and Art Gallery.

 



      b. MILITARISM

D. A. Ewers, A.C., 1904, pp. 648-649.

OUR RELATION TO SOCIAL PROBLEMS

THE MILITARY PROBLEM

F. Pittman

      In these days of "wars and rumors of wars," it is generally contended that no sane man can close his eyes to the need of "the powers that be," taking into consideration questions of defence, and making adequate provision, in the military drilling of their citizens, for defence against possible invasion; while many Christian people are also of the view that, under certain circumstances, war is justifiable, and therefore, they contend, provision should be made for such circumstances, should they transpire. While the Scripturalness of this contention may be called in question by some, ALL who name the name of him who is the "Prince of Peace" will not only believe in, but earnestly strive for, a settlement of international disputes in other ways than by recourse to war, with all its attendant horrors.

      That heroism, patriotism and self-sacrifice are seen in the ready response to the Empire's call for volunteers, and upon the field of battle, is freely admitted. It would ill become us to anathematise all who go forth in the hour of a nation's need to defend their country, or to pronounce as unjustifiable all battles of modern days, yet no Christian man can be blind to the fact that the military spirit is on the ascendency, or can consistently encourage its undue prominence.

      It is with this military dominancy that I wish now to deal. Militarism is seen in the nations' eagerness to prepare for war. A great deal too much of the ingenuity and science of our day is used in inventing or perfecting methods of destruction. We deplore the love of war which existed amongst peoples of bygone days, who cared not for any annals not written in blood. We should rejoice in knowing that no all who have engaged in warfare believe it is commendable.

      The spirit of militarism is evidenced, not so much by a love for war in its cruelty (for most who engage in war naturally shrunk from its accompanying horrors), but by a desire for the pomp and fame, and so-called glory of war.

      We who endeavor to bring peace and salvation to the world should do all we can to put down these false notions, and aim for that day when there shall be peace between man and man, as well as between the created and the Creator; when nations shall not lift up sword against nations, nor learn the art of war any more.

      Only the Man Divine, the Lord Jesus Christ, through the instrumentality of his redeemed followers, can give this blessing. May we who profess to walk in his steps and imbibe his Spirit put forth our best efforts to annihilate the spirit of militarism and instead, have implanted in the hearts of all mankind the spirit of him who came to bring peace to the world. Then, the burning enthusiasm which is now directed to unholy warfare would be used in holy battle for God and humanity.


F. G. Dunn, A.C., 1907, pp. 682-683.

THE PEACE SOCIETY'S PROGRAMME

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      The Australasian branch of the Peace Society has forwarded circulars to preachers of the gospel and editors of religious journals soliciting their co-operation in furthering the objects of the society. The objects of the society are set forth as being the "substitution of arbitration for war, simultaneous reduction of armaments, and cultivation of international brotherhood." One of the means by which the objects of the society are to be promoted is by observing one Sunday in the year as "Peace Sunday."

      The objects of the society will commend themselves to all Christian people, and so far as we are able we will endeavor to assist in preaching the evangel of peace. There could be no more favorable time for advocating the claims of peace than that which is presented by the advent of Christmas. It is impossible to estimate the amount of misery which the world would have been saved from if it had been more receptive of the benign influence of the Prince of Peace. As it is, we can only be thankful that the message has left some impress upon the hearts of men, and that to-day, after the lapse of nearly two thousand years, the peace spirit is asserting itself more powerfully than ever it did before.

      It is significant of the trend of things that the nations of the world have met in Conference to discuss questions that make for peace. And although the late International Conference, held at the Hague, is not regarded as having secured much of a practical nature-in the promotion of peace, yet the very fact that such a Conference has been possible is prophetic of better things to come. But when one comes to think of the immense importance of the questions under consideration, and the difficulty of dealing with them under present conditions, it is not surprising that there should have been much discussion without any great practical issues. Take, for example, the question of establishing an International Court of Justice. As to the desirability of establishing such a court there does not seem to have been two opinions.

      The rock on which the Conference split was the selection of judges. So far as we can gather, the chief objector to any International Court, in which the Great Powers have not the largest say, is Germany. As a matter of fact, at the present time Germany is the chief disturber of the peace of the world. Her ambition to be a great naval power stands in the way of her accepting any proposal for the limitation of armaments, and her great desire for territorial expansion prevents her agreeing to any proposal for arbitration in lieu of war. Every military and naval question was discussed by everybody on the assumption that England and Germany would sooner or later be at war. No one said so publicly. But it was the undernote of every discussion, public or private.

      The outlook, therefore, is not peaceful. It never will be while nations practice a different morality from that which is allowed in the individual. If it is wrong for the individual to commit crime, it is no less wrong for individuals in the aggregate to do the same. As things are now, the individual is punished for his wrong-doing, but there is no court of justice before which a guilty nation can be arraigned. The Hague Conference made some attempt to remedy this defect, but failed It may be, however, that the time is not far distant when an International Court of Justice may become an established fact. In the meantime, it is an ideal for which we should strive. It will be the mission of the church through all its agencies to deprecate the cultivation of an aggressive war spirit, and to promote the idea of arbitration as the only legitimate way in which the quarrels of nations can be settled. And as soon as men have in them the spirit of Christ, just so soon will this happy condition of things be realised.

 



      c. ALCOHOL

F. G. Dunn, A.C., 1901, pp. 426-427.

THE CURSE OF INEBRIETY

      The Annual Conference of the Victorian Alliance, held last week, had under its consideration some questions of more than ordinary interest. Possibly the most important of these was the proposition that the Federal Capital of the Commonwealth should adopt prohibition as the permanent law of the district. And though the site of the Federal City has not yet been fixed upon, it cannot be said that the Alliance has been at all premature in affirming the desirability of excluding the manufacture, sale and use of intoxicants from the territory which may be ultimately chosen as the Capital of the Commonwealth. And though the probability of securing such a triumph may be doubted, it is unquestionable that the attempt has more in its favor at the present time, when the constitution of the city is yet in process of formation, than it will have at a later time, when vested interests have entrenched themselves and made their removal a matter of serious difficulty. As it is, the existing vested interests in the various States will make very strenuous efforts to defeat the object of the Victorian Alliance. It is quite certain that the representatives of the drink trade will not be idle when the question of shutting them out of a new and promising field is under consideration; and in a contest of this kind it too frequently happens that purely selfish interests carry the day. The licensed victuallers of the various States may not pass many resolutions or make a noise about any they may chance to adopt, but it is none the less certain that they will fight to the last man in order to gain their object. On the other hand it may be safely asserted that the temperance party will be very much in evidence in the passing of resolutions, but not so much so in the

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real hard work necessary to ensure victory. Selfishness, after all, is one of the great factors in human affairs. Sometimes it would almost seem as if it were the one powerful force against which all others exerted themselves in vain. But not always. There have been times when the sentiment in favor of righteousness has been more powerful than all the forces of evil arrayed against it--times when philanthropy has routed selfishness and trampled it under foot. These occasions, however, are rare, and so far the divine enthusiasm which makes victory possible has not roused the rank and file of the temperance party to accomplish deeds of splendid heroism. Cases here and there, there may be, but the great mass has not yet been moved to act as one man. That the time will come when the universal conscience will be awakened we do not doubt; in the meantime we must work and hope and do those things that are near to our hands.

      One of the first things needful in order to make prohibition a probability of the future is the awakening of the churches. No doubt many churches are keenly alive to the evils of the drink trade and manifest a strong temperance sentiment, but, on the other hand, a large number are quite indifferent, and many include among their officers and membership those who are directly interested in the traffic. And while the latter continues tote the caw-,-it is not-only a discredit to the Christian community, but is an effectual barrier to fearless denunciation of this greatest evil of modern times. Perhaps one of the first signs of an awakened church will be a universal recognition of the fact that a maker of drunkards is not eligible for membership in any Christian church. In order that the churches maya realise the gravity of the situation, it will be necessary to keep them acquainted with the enormous evils accruing from the existence of the traffic in strong drink. And though these evils can never be adequately portrayed, yet the measure in which such is possible ought to be sufficient to make every Christian determine that so far as he is concerned his influence shall be on the side of temperance and against the drink trade in any shape or form. Surely if men from the standpoint of physical well-being, feel compelled to advocate total abstinence, the Christian should feel compelled from this and the higher spiritual one, to take an equally hostile attitude. That which is compelling the medical and scientific world to consider the question of inebriety with a view to its cure, should have some concern for those who profess to be followers of him who went about continually doing good.

      The facts are so serious and so far-reaching that it seems incredible that those who have any care for their fellows can have anything to do with an agency so disastrous in its effects as this.

      In our own land one of our legislators who had himself fallen under the baneful influence of strong drink, but is now happily free from the curse, has given witness to the evil effects of drink upon himself. He says: "When I look back and think of all the aggregated pleasures I have had from drinking, the false pleasures that are derived from liquor, I say that together they do not form an equivalent for one morning of the agony of regret, remorse and shame that I have suffered. Every man who drinks pays the penalty a thousand times over in suffering for any enjoyment he has derived--that is to say, if he is a man with any moral fibre at all and drinks to excess." The Legislative Assembly of Victoria never before listened to such a speech as that of which this extract formed a part. It was an eloquent appeal to the State for its help to save the inebriate from himself. If, as asserted, there is a cure for drunkenness, that cure should be placed within the reach of all who are afflicted with the disease. But such remedial efforts, good as they may be, can only be regarded as temporary measures. What the exigencies of the case seem to demand is not merely the patching up of bad cases, but the prevention of their occurrence, and for this end there is no alternative but to adopt measures that will prevent the manufacture, sale and use of alcoholic drinks as beverages. In helping to reach this desired end the churches can render valuable assistance. If they do not they must eventually pay the penalty imposed upon all who neglect a clear and manifest duty. The Victorian Alliance.

      The annual public meeting of the above organisation has just been held in the Melbourne Town Hall. Its programme was a strong one. Mr. J.W. Hunt, the chairman, outlined briefly, yet concisely, the work attempted and done by the Alliance. The steps were taken slowly yet surely, and the hope was expressed that ultimately temperance principles would be fostered by the public, and then effective work could be done to secure better legislation for the good of the community in this respect. John Vale, the untiring secretary and agitator of the Alliance, impressed the audience of the necessity of sustained sympathy and co-operation essentially needed to carry out the principles of total abstinence. One pleasing feature, an evidence of the spread of public resentment against any religious organisation participating in profits derived from the drink traffic, was enthusiastically received when it was known that the Church of England, in the old country, had determined that upon the expiration of the licenses now held by publicans on property owned as a means of revenue for the church shall not be renewed. This is a position that ought to have been taken long ago, but we nevertheless applaud the action even though taken late in the day. Sunday Trading.

      Senator the Hon. R.W. Best denounced all attempts to legalise limited Sunday trading, and powerfully urged the necessity of enforcing the present laws regulating Sunday traffic. He also suggested that amendments to the law should be granted to prohibit children under 16 being served with drink either to be consumed on the premises or carried away; also that the buyer of drink in non-trading hours should

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be fined as well as the one who sells it, and that any one magistrate should not be allowed to grant a license.

Domestic Life

      After a twenty years experience as a visitor in many homes in Victoria, the Ven. Archdeacon Tucker gave it as his conviction that nine-tenths of domestic unhappiness was caused directly or indirectly by drink. Wherever that confiding and free disposition that ought to be granted to a minister of the gospel, upon entering the family as a friend with peculiar privileges, was withheld it could be taken for granted that there was some skeleton in the cupboard, and in the majority of cases it was drink. His attitude towards temperance was emphatic and convincing. Would that his colleagues see eye to eye with him in this regard.

 



      d. UNEMPLOYMENT

D. A. Ewers, C.P., 1893, pp. 177-178.

      The Unemployed Difficulty.--It indicates a serious weakness in the body politic, when out of a population of 4,000,000 in a land large enough, and fertile enough to support 50,000,000, so many thousands of able bodied men are unable to obtain work. After making an allowance for a considerable percentage of loafers, and visionary faddists, the fact remains that an immense number of men willing and able to work, are reduced to extremities. The writer at a conference of ministers and unemployed last Monday was impressed with the reality of the distress existing around Melbourne. The fact that over sixty per cent of the population of the colony live in Melbourne and other towns, while less than forty per cent are actual producers is no doubt the principal cause of the difficulty. To get the people on to the land is therefore the only solution, but as they are mostly ignorant of the first principles of agriculture and unfitted by their previous life for tilling the soil, it seems essential that those who are willing should receive instruction from practical men and material assistance in the form of loans to be repaid with perhaps a small interest. If from among the unalienated lands of the colony portions could be thrown open for the purpose, small settlements formed, each under the control of a practical agriculturalist, and the settlers assisted temporarily, we believe the deserving unemployed might make for themselves comfortable homes, after a due amount of necessary hardship. The principal difficulty is that of ways and means, but why should not an appeal be made to the wealthy of the Colony to contribute to a fund for the purpose, the amount to be subsidised by Government? It appears to us that the Government of Victoria might spend money to better advantage in this direction than in some of the channels through which it is at present flowing.


D. A. Ewers, C.P., 1893, p. 331.

VICTORIAN UNEMPLOYED AND RELIEF COMMITTEE

      The committee met last Tuesday night and decided upon commencing operations next Saturday. The officers of the church at Swanston-street have very kindly granted the use of a portion of their premises as a depot to receive and distribute goods. Bro. McLellan has been appointed as secretary, and Bro. Craigie as treasurer (instead of Bro. Bryden, who resigned). It is intended that a few members of the committee, male and female, will be in attendance at the depot from 10 a.m. to 1 p.m. on Wednesdays and Saturdays for the distribution of food or clothing to those requiring aid, giving preference to members of the churches, but also assisting deserving cases of distress amongst persons living in the vicinity of our chapels. As the distress is very urgent and widespread, thereby requiring immediate attention, an earnest and pressing appeal is made, not only to our Victorian brethren, but to those in the other colonies as well, to send such aid as they conveniently can. Assistance may be sent in food, clothing, firewood or money.

      That a large amount of destitution exists in Melbourne and suburbs is only too true, and that it is our duty to alleviate same as much as possible is also true. But in order to do so we must be supplied with the things needful. Every effort will be made to relieve pressing and deserving cases recommended by church officers or members of the relief committee.

      The committee are also desirous of finding employment for unemployed brethren either in town or country.

M. McLellan.      
      Aug. 8th.

 



3. SOCIAL ISSUES

INTRODUCTION

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      Social issues concerning Churches of Christ during the period were socialism and the relationship of the churches to labor.

 



      a. SOCIALISM

F. G. Dunn, A.C., 1905, pp. 356-357.

SOCIALISM AND THE CHURCHES

      It is not our intention, nor is it our business, to discuss the merits or demerits of Socialism, except so far as it may touch on the question of religion. It may be said that up to a certain point, all men are Socialists. If Socialism means "the greatest good to the greatest number," well, that is a doctrine that all reasonable men can at once subscribe to. The difference here is not the goal to be attained, but how to attain it. At the present time there are two forces at work in the body politic. "The one," says the Southern Cross, "is Individualism, or the subordination of the interests of the community to the interests of the individual; the other is Socialism, or the subordination of the interests of the individual to the interests of the community . . . Now the extreme of Individualism is anarchy, when every man does that which is right in his own eyes; and the extreme of Socialism is communism, when every man becomes a mere atom of an organism, a mere screw in a machine." Advocates of both of these extremes are to be found, but it is doubtful if their numbers bulk very largely. The common sense of the average man would reject both without a moment's hesitation. No system of things can be right that suppresses the natural forces of the individual, when those forces are legitimately expressed; on the other hand, no system can be right that unduly elevates the individual at the expense of the community. Neither of these systems, in themselves alone considered, can be regarded as "a panacea for all the ills that flesh is heir to."

      The question has been raised as to whether "it is possible for a Socialist to be a Christian or for a Christian to be a Socialist? Is it possible for Socialism to admit Christianity within its programme, or for Christianity to admit Socialism?" These questions have been raised by the daily press, and seem to call for an answer. They do so all the more as Socialism is identified with the Labor movement, and the Labor movement is somewhat alienated from Christianity. We are glad to say that there are some exceptions to this. There are some members of the Labor movement, and prominent ones too, who so far from being alienated from Christianity, are earnest workers in its behalf. It is probably true, however, that a large proportion of the working classes are not in sympathy with the churches, and stand aloof from them, regarding them as either indifferent or hostile to their welfare. As to who is to blame for this, it is hard to say. No doubt there are faults on both sides. A frank spoken preacher once put the matter thus: "The pulpit wants money, and so the pulpit preaches sermons that money wants." To some extent this is true, for the church is not free from the charge of mammon worship. But as a justifying reason for alienation it will not stand investigation. For while fashionable churches may look askance at a man in his working clothes, there are thousands of others who would give him a glad welcome. Leaders of the Labor movement who speak against the churches, do not harm the churches so much as they harm the movement with which they are identified. It is proof of their incapacity for leadership, when they speak of that as an enemy which has been, and is now, the truest friend the working man ever had. Imperfect as it is and has been, it has saved the world from being a place in which the working man, instead of having a vote and freedom of speech, would be a serf--an article of merchandise to be bought and sold at the will of another.

      It would be for the good of each of the parties concerned if they tried to understand each other better than they do. Good, if some of the representatives of the church discriminated between the Socialism that is not atheistic and that which is. And equally good if some of the members of the Labor movement did not confound Christianity with the abuse of it. To slay, as one of the latter did recently, that the churches "produce and shelter men that are against every species of knowledge" is simply to state fancies, not facts. As the Spectator says: "This cutting off the Labor Party from the churches and putting them in antagonism is the foolishness that leads to ruin. The best in Socialism came from Christ; the worst in it has been supplied by Karl Marx, and those who oppose religion." Beside all this, such an attitude towards the churches puts earnest, God-fearing working men in the position of either repudiating their deepest convictions or repudiating leaders who assault the churches they have so much reason to love.

      And now we may answer the question, "Is it possible for a Socialist to be a Christian, or for a Christian to be a Socialist?" The answer is, It all depends on what kind of Socialist he is. Christianity does not ask a man whether he is a Socialist or an Individualist. It contents itself with asking if he is prepared to accept Christ as his Saviour and to follow out his teachings as far as he is able. Doing this, he may be, politically and socially, just what he pleases. As a matter of fact there is now in existence a Christian Socialist movement, of which the following may be regarded as its propaganda:--"The members

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of this organisation think that the free competition of Individualism makes the strong stronger, but the weak weaker; that it degrades the lowest and weakest class of labor and makes its position even worse than slavery; that it helps only those who can help themselves, while it crushes those who need help most; that it is more Darwinian than Christlike in its operation. They also think it intolerable that the Christian church should stand by with indifference while it sees this going on. They ever remember that Christianity helped to destroy one industrial system--slavery; and so they hope that Christianity may help also in modifying the evils of the present system. Nor can they ever reconcile themselves to the position that the laboring man should be left out of the church and his aims be regarded as of no account to Christian men." It appears to us that this Christian Socialism has a good deal of Christ in it, and reflects the sentiments of many of the best and brightest workers in the Christian church. If these sentiments prevailed more widely, it is possible that the laboring man would be inside the church and not out of it.

 



      b. THE CHURCHES AND LABOR

F. G. Dunn, A.C., 1907, pp. 640-641.

THE CHURCHES AND LABOR

      From all appearances it would seem as if the breach between the churches and organised labor was widening. That this should be so is one of the things to be profoundly regretted. In the nature of things there should be no hostility between the two. The churches, when they are truly representative of the Christian spirit, should be in the front rank of those whose sympathies are on the side of those who find the struggle for existence keen and hard. On the other hand, labor, instead of being antagonistic to the churches, should regard them with the friendliest feelings. It should do so because, in the main, the churches have been arrayed on the side of truth and justice. As a matter of fact, the Christian spirit, more or less expressed by the churches, has been the foundation principle of every great reform. It is true that the churches have frequently erred in holding the faith of our Lord Jesus Christ with respect of persons. They have had more regard for the man who has come into the synagogue with a gold ring and clothed in fine raiment than for the poor man in vile clothing; and they have said to him that wore the fine clothing, "Sit thou here in a good place," and to the poor man, "Stand thou here, or sit under my footstool." But in so far as the churches have erred in these things they have erred, not because of their religion, but in defiance of it. But if these things are urged against the churches, is there not a great deal to be said yin the other side? Labor, which so strongly resents unfair criticism, should not itself fall into the error which it condemns. To ignore the splendid work which the churches have done in ameliorating the condition of mankind is either an evidence of profound ignorance or else of invincible prejudice. And here we recognise that a distinction has to be made. There is labor and labor. Labor is represented by two distinct classes of men. The most prominent and that which seems to have the upper hand, or at any rate that which makes the most noise, is opposed to the churches and runs more or less to atheism. Not so prominent are those representatives of labor who are friendly to the churches, or to the Christianity which the churches too often misrepresent. The latter class are not less numerous than the former, but do not figure so prominently in the ranks of organised labor. In this discussion, it seems to be taken for granted that the toilers are all outside the churches. This is very far from being the case. As a matter of fact, the bulk of the members in the churches of to-day are as truly representative of labor as are the workers outside of them.

      Whatever may have been the faults of the churches in the past, it is now quite evident that they are making very sincere efforts to get into touch with organised labor and create a more friendly feeling between themselves and it. Just recently, representatives of the churches desired to meet the leaders of the labor party in a friendly conference. This the leaders of the labor party refused to do.

      After the overtures made to the leaders of the labor party here and the rejection of those overtures by them, it will scarcely be consistent for laborites to denounce churches for their lack of sympathy. Supporters of the labor party are in the habit of denouncing churches and editors of religious journals as cowardly, because they appear to stand aloof from the labor movement. They can no longer do this with any show of reason, apart from the attempt of the representatives of the churches to hold a friendly conference with the leaders of the labor party, an abundance of instances could be cited, in which the representatives of churches have been the champions of the rights of labor. The churches as churches are not a political factor. Any political power the church has is exercised through the individual, and each individual selects his own politics. It is only in questions which relate to morals that the church can be said to be a unit so far as the State is concerned. The intrusion of churches as churches, if it were possible, into the purely political area would be resented. The churches, therefore, seek to realise their ideal through the uplifting of the individual. "Only through the removal of human ignorance," says Professor Van Dyke, "the betterment of human character, and the gradual improvement of human nature, can we climb the steep path that leads to the perfection of social life. A golden age cannot be built out of

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brazen hearts. The way to the ideal society lies through the association of idealists, and the guide of Christian progress is the word of Jesus. "The kingdom of heaven is within you.'" The ideal society which the churches are seeking to form is founded upon moral principles rather than upon legal enactment. There are scores of evils that legislation cannot reach the roots of. The churches recognise that the State is made up of individuals, and that it is the total of the individual character which makes for good or evil. The labor movement, on the other hand, seeks to effect its purpose by legal enactment. As far as it goes this is right enough. The law is useful in restraining evil. If it were not for wrongdoers there would be little need of law. Law, however, does not change the heart. Therefore, in endeavoring to reach the ideal, the churches and labor may join hands--each seeking to promote the common good in their several ways; not antagonistic, but mutually helpful; the one, according to its light, trying to place on the Statute Book good laws, the other trying to bring men up to the level of good laws when they are made. The gospel of materialism cannot do this, for it has no spiritual or moral force.

 

[NOF 441-451]


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Graeme Chapman
No Other Foundation, Vol. II. (1993)

Copyright © 1993, 2000 by Graeme Chapman