During the period 1910-1930, A.R. Main deeply influenced the thought and shape of the movement. A person of superior intellectual gifts, he was uniquely situated, as Principal of the Federal College of the Bible and as Editor of the Australian Christian, to remould the ethos of the movement and to guide Churches of Christ in troubled and changing times.

      This collection of documents will concentrate on the Great War, social issues, the work of the college, reaction to biblical criticism, the reiteration and development of the movement's plea, the role of the preacher and biographical data.

      The thought of A.R. Main is encapsulated in editorials in the Australian Christian. He did, however, publish three books which were first serialized in the Christian. These were: First Principles (Melbourne, Austral, 1911), Baptism: Our Lord's Command (Melbourne, Austral, 1913) and Messages from the Word (Melbourne, Austral, 1928).

      This selection of documents traces reaction to the course of the Great War. Of particular interest are editorials dealing with the referenda and with a proposed reconstruction after the war. Several items on the Bolshevik Revolution in Russia are also included.

F. G. Dunn, A.C., 1914, pp. 579-580.

      When one comes to realise that the most enlightened nations of civilisation are actually at war with each other, and that one of the most bloody conflicts in all history is in progress, not unnaturally do we ask, Will the time ever come when swords shall be beaten into ploughshares, and spears into pruning hooks, when nation shall no longer lift up sword against nation and when war shall be no more? Long has it been hoped that such destruction of life as is now going on would become an impossible thing, and the Christian conscience still cries: How long, O Lord, how long?

      Our belief that this ideal condition will one day prevail may be based to a large extent upon the past influence of Christianity on warfare, and the fact that it is still at work. The teachings of the Prince of Peace are slowly but surely awakening the national conscience, and leading men to see that injustice between nations is no less base then that between individuals, and that the method of avoiding or correcting the one ought also to decide the other.

      Before the introduction of Christianity nations had no regard for others outside of their own people.

      But not only in the motives that cause war, but also in the treatment of non-combatants and the vanquished, is the influence of Christianity to be seen.

      Prisoners of war were formerly at the absolute mercy of those whose "tender mercies were cruel." How far removed, then, are the standards of the past from the ideals of the present? The law of righteousness and the principle of human brotherhood now go far beyond national boundaries and are applied to all men.

      This humanising tendency that has been and is still growing among civilised nations is a silent, gradual process. No one can doubt this change in thought and feeling. The leaven is at work.

      There are, moreover, signs even now that the goal is not far distant. Schemes of international arbitration are being discussed and experimented with. Six nations (Denmark, Netherlands, Chili,

Argentine, Norway and Sweden) have already thus agreed by treaty to submit their differences to an arbitration court and abide by its decision. Chili and Argentine have long illustrated the power of Christian principles to remove international differences and make the motto, "Love thy neighbor," apply to nations as well as individuals. If these two nations can thus settle their disputes without recourse to arms, why not France arid Germany heal their enmities also? And if Norway, Sweden, Denmark and Netherlands could join Chili and Argentine, why could not England, United States, Russia and Japan join these two European powers? The spirit of the same Christ can produce the same result in Europe as in South America, and when four or five of the Great powers unite, the policy of the others can be determined. Since it is certain that the influence of Christianity is slowly at work in the world, and that six peoples have already found a way of settling their differences without force, it is surely not too much to hope or believe that others will see the advantage and do likewise, and that the time will most assuredly come when swords shall be beaten into ploughshares and spears into pruning hooks, and when nation shall no longer lift up sword against nation, neither shall they learn war any more.

A. R. Main, A.C., 1914, p. 699.

      The world presents a spectacle which might well make angels weep and the hearts of good men break. A war, which already has earned a right to the title of "The Great War," now rages. The world's two most enlightened nations are opposed to one another. All the countries engaged are professedly Christian. The two chief have been the bulwark of Protestantism, the leaders in education, science, and culture. Men belonging to the same church are fighting on opposite sides, and may any day count it a patriotic duty to slay their fellow Christians. Buildings erected to the glory of God are being wantonly wrecked by those who call him Father. We read of church parades being broken up by the shells of the enemy, and of the psalm-singers rushing to mortal combat.

      The world's misery is such that a one-eyed optimism cannot cheer us; but shall we therefore seek refuge in a godless pessimism?

      Jesus was the great Optimist. He felt the weight of the world's sin and sorrow as no other could, yet he was not discouraged. He above all others was One who "never dreamed, though right were worsted, wrong would triumph." Christ did not ignore or minimise the evil; but he believed in the triumph of the good. Christianity would not fail--the gates of Hades could not prevail against the church on the rock.

      It is interesting to see the directions in which Christian folk are now seeking for solace. God's Word is being searched with a new diligence by many.

      That nation--even the proudest and most powerful--which will seek for conquest and count men's lives as nothing in its lust for territory, has yet to reckon with God, to whom at once the meanest of his creations and the mightiest of nations are objects of care--for he, the same God, marks the sparrow's fall, and hath determined the appointed seasons and the bounds of the habitations of the nations. God's will of desire may not be done; we can think of his grieving at the terrible deeds of men; but God's will of purpose must be done--"Jehovah sitteth as King for ever." Let us seek to be on his side; let us "trust in him at all times."

A. R. Main, A.C., 1915, p. 288.

      For nine months the greatest war in history has been waging. Nations are at death grips. Millions of men are engaged. Casualties have been numbered by the hundreds of thousands. Our Empire is engaged in a conflict in which the existence of nations, in which its own existence, is involved.

      One of the most remarkable things in the situation is the feeling of calmness in which we possess our souls. What visitor from another sphere would imagine we were at war? Business goes on, affected far more by drought than by war. Well-dressed crowds in holiday attire walk our streets. Sports are carried on. Places of amusement, from picture shows upwards or downwards, are well patronised. A Governor can find time to open a dancing hall. There is a spirit of security--not to say unconcern, or apathy--which is extraordinary in the circumstances. There really seems to be some need of an effective announcement: We are at war!

      Some of our folk are not apathetic. Those who have heard the call of Empire are now representing us on the field, or are in training in the camps. These, and their loved ones and dependents, are taking the war seriously.

Apathy will vanish

      Our remoteness from the scenes of conflict has kept us from a realisation of the awfulness of the struggle.

      The last few days, however, have changed the situation for us. Our own men are now in the firing line. Australia's sons have joined with their brothers from the Dominion of New Zealand in deeds of courage and conspicuous gallantry, such as have called from our King an expression of his warm appreciation. At their baptism of fire, our soldiers have borne themselves as we believed and hoped they would do.

      Our enthusiasm bids fair to be stirred at last. Interest and patriotic fervor will increase the more our own and involved in the struggle. Already many homes have a melancholy interest in it. Some already mourn their loved ones. Hearts are being torn in our land with anxiety. The postman is a messenger of sorrow to many; and to others the absence of news will with the accompanying horror of suspense be harder to bear than any message could be. Sorrow there must be, even though it be assuaged with feelings of pride and the thought that those about whom the sorrow and anxiety arise put Duty, King and Empire before even life itself.

      With their fellow citizens, the members of the churches of Christ will have an increasing interest in the war. A large number of our young men have volunteered for service, and some are now at the front, serving in various capacities. Soon we shall be represented in the religious activities of the service by our Bro. G.T. Walden, who goes as Chaplain to the forces. Increasingly, therefore, as the days go by, our thoughts will be with "the men at the front." When more of our own are in action, and especially should sorrow come to the homes of our people, then "when one member of the body suffers" all will suffer with it.

A. R. Main, A.C., 1916, p. 623.

      The writer, both as editor of our church paper and as president of our Victorian Conference, has been asked by some to give a statement of the position of the brotherhood on the matter. In reply, we have to state that there is no man or committee which can do this. We have no church court which may presume to settle the attitude of the churches at large. We note that in some of the exemption courts conscientious objectors are being asked what church they belong to, and occasionally when the answer is given, a rejoinder is made that that church has not ruled that its members must not render military service. Such a retort would have no point whatever with reference to Churches of Christ; for in the nature of the case no ecclesiastical authority could say for them that it was a Christian duty either to render military service or to refrain from so doing. The individual disciple must decide for himself. The right of private judgment and of conscience must be conceded to all. So with the referendum question. In the light of what he believes the will of God to be, after seeking divine guidance, and in harmony with the dictates of conscience, the answer should be recorded. Brethren equally loyal to our Lord and his Word may be on different sides.

      While our Conference Executive or Presidents cannot follow the example set by those of some other bodies, and give instructions as to how to vote, it should be clearly understood that in loyalty to our King and Empire we lag behind none. With others of our fellow subjects, we have in words expressed our loyalty; e. g., in our Conference resolutions. But our deeds have borne more eloquent testimony. Our people have responded splendidly to patriotic appeals. Above all, our churches are in great part depleted, because of the absence of the young men who have volunteered for the cause of Empire, justice and humanity. Many of these have made the supreme sacrifice, have shown the "greater love."

A. R. Main, A.C., 1916, p. 595.

      The present is a time of grave importance. Three recent things have forced on the consciousness of the Australian people the greatness of the world crisis, and its relation to the individual citizen of the Empire.

The financial burden

      The taxation proposals of the Government have been announced. As every one expected, the burden of taxation will be greatly increased. The Commonwealth expenditure has grown enormously, and therefore increased revenue must be obtained. We presume that none will object to sharing the burden, provided it be equitably distributed.

The Referendum

      At the end of this month a referendum will be taken on the question of giving to the authorities the power to call men up for service abroad. The question of conscription will be keenly debated during the next few weeks. Considerable opposition has been shown to the Prime Minister, particularly, by some of his own erstwhile followers. Some of the labour leaders or unions have repudiated Mr. Hughes and other distinguished labour representatives. The expelled members do not seem to regard themselves as expelled, relying on the country's adherence to their programme. They do not think it fair that they should be expelled for submitting such a matter to the people for their decision.

      It is no part of our purpose to discuss the matter of conscription. Personally, we have been greatly impressed with the utterances of the Prime Minister, who, with an intimate knowledge such as the ordinary man cannot have, declares that there is urgent need for the whole of our available forces being placed at the service of the Empire. It is obvious that the Government could not place all their information at the disposal of all the people.

      One thing may be emphasised; the referendum lays a solemn duty upon us all. We have no doubt that some of our readers will feel it a matter of conscience to vote against the proposal. It is our opinion that the majority will favor the granting of the powers asked for. The conscientious objector will not be forced to take up the duties of a combatant. Were it otherwise, we should deem it a Christian duty to oppose the proposal. But, with this clearly promised us, most people will probably (and, in our view, reasonably) regard with favor the suggestion that the burden of war be more equally distributed than it has been until the present time. We would urge every person qualified to vote to make a point of exercising the privilege. Whichever side we take, let us be true to our duty. To refrain from voting may be in effect to record a vote against what we believe to be the right course. But it is the duty of all to endeavor to come to such a decision as seems to them to be right and in harmony with the will of God, and then to vote as their conscience allows or dictates. Some responsibilities must be borne; they cannot be delegated to others.

The call to the colors

      This is the outstanding event of the week. A proclamation has been issued calling upon all men who on the second day of October, 1916, are of the age of twenty-one and upwards and under thirty-five years, who are unmarried or widowers without children; to enlist and serve as required. The exercise of this power under the Defence Act will enable the Government to have forces partly trained in anticipation of the people's decision regarding compulsory service abroad. We trust that all concerned have read the proclamation and acted on its instructions. Those who claim exemption from service, for the various reasons detailed must make immediate application. Such persons are not required for military service pending the hearing of their cases by the local exemption court. Amongst the exempted persons are those who satisfy the prescribed authority that their conscientious beliefs do not allow them to bear arms.

      Conscientious objectors must perform non-combatant service.

A hope

      We sincerely trust that the discussion and decision of these great questions by the people of Australia may be undertaken and arrived at without bitterness. There will be great difference of views, Church members, even members of families, may be ranged on different sides. Let not the sorrow of the times be added to by undue acrimony or questioning of the motives or consciences of others.

      More urgently, may we say that in the foregoing matters is a striking justification for the "Call to Prayer" which appeared in our last issue? We ought to invoke the blessing and guidance of God. Our country needs Him. The suggestion has been made that Lord's day, October 22 (the Sunday before the Referendum) be observed as a day of special intercession in all the churches. May we commend this suggestion to the earnest consideration of all preachers and church officers?

A. R. Main, A.C., 1917, pp. 229-230.

      We cannot be in doubt where to begin our consideration of this theme. The thought of a world in conflict and in need is ever with us. It has been our recent experience to behold empires convulsed, a throne totter and fall, cabinets disrupted, industrial strife threaten or exist in many lands. There is war without and dissension within. A gloomy picture might be painted of the world to-day. But the saddest things can never be depicted. The blighted homes and broken hearts; the long-drawn-out agony of fathers and mothers fearful of the fate of loved ones; the sorrow which is theirs whose dear ones have made the supreme sacrifice, a sorrow which very many of our brethren to-day experience; the suffering and patient

endurance of our brave soldiers and sailors in the war zone; the torture endured by the victims of the brutality and lust of a nation which while it boasts in its "Kultur" seems to have sunk to such depths of shame as require for their explanation the apostolic words; "God gave them up in the lusts of their hearts unto uncleanness"--these things cannot be depicted in adequate fashion.

      Our Empire is happily guiltless of such crimes, and free from such horrors. But it is not blameless. We have let our greatest national foe, intemperance, wage its ceaseless warfare against our country.

      The sins and woes of the world make a thorough Reconstruction imperative. Yet is such possible? We have pessimists amongst the irreligious, and folk of fearful heart amongst the saints. We have those who are so impressed--and depressed--by the contemplation of the world's sin that their brightest thought now is that the horrors of the day are presages of the time when "the heavens shall pass away with a great noise, and the elements shall be dissolved with fervent heat, and the earth and the works therein shall be burned up."

      We think that there is no need for one to adopt such views as these. There are some more rational and more Christian thoughts.

      Personally, I have found a degree of comfort and inspiration in a war article by Dr. Saleeby, which appeared in "My Magazine." He referred to the apparently deliberate war made by our foe on art and architecture, and then proceeded to show how the greatest things in our heritage are beyond the reach of man's destruction.

      I love to think that not even bloody war can stay the onward march of the Kingdom of God, or permanently oppose the advent of the day of the Brotherhood of Man.

      Nor should we close our eyes to the signs of Reconstruction given in the very course of the war. All is not dark. The bravery, the devotion, the patriotism, the heroic self-sacrifice of the men who fight in the cause of liberty land right must surely be set on the credit side of our moral ledger.

      But there are loftier heights to which the Christian may climb. His faith is in the God who is still in His world of suffering. I do not see how any one who does not believe in a God of infinite love can to-day be an optimist; but how can one who is a believer despair?

      Should we not remember, also, as Dr. J.H. Jowett has told us, that "this is not the first time that the world has been overrun with devilry and abomination?" Nearly two thousand years ago there dawned the blackest day in the world's history. It was a Friday. Hell seemed to triumph when with contumely and scorn the Son of God was crucified, hounded to death by the religious leaders of the chosen people of the Most High. He who considers that death of shame, and who appreciates the reason why the world can speak of this day as "Good" Friday and count them both wise and happy who scheme to set limits to what the Father Almighty can do in the way of Reconstruction.

      This subject has been engaging the attention of the friends and foes of Christianity. The most remarkable feature of the Rationalist annual is a symposium on the question, "Will Orthodox Christianity Survive the War?" The answer of course was an emphatic "No."

      Christian leaders, too, are facing such questions just now. There is a certain tenseness in the religious world, almost a feeling of anxiety, a conviction that there is need of Reconstruction. One of the best illustrations of this is found in Dr. R.F. Horton's volume, entitled "Reconstruction: A Help to Doubters." The author's reputation is a sufficient guarantee that there are some splendid things in the book. His aim may be given in his own words; "The design in the following pages is to assist those--they must be a great number to-day--who have awoke to the fact that the dogma of the infallibility of the Bible is untenable, and who, not knowing how to deal with an authority which seems to be questioned or even discredited, dismiss the Bible as useless, and surrender, at least theoretically, the Christian religion, which, they were taught to suppose, rested on the Bible as the inspired and infallible Word of God." Now, Horton thinks such people are wrong in their dismissal of Christianity, but he more than sympathises with them in their rejection of the Bible as the inspired and infallible word of God. Thus we have men brush aside the plainest of Bible commands or doctrines, deny the virgin birth, our Lord's miracles, the resurrection itself, the second coming of Christ, even His atoning death and His Divinity--and, if we give up our faith in the Bible as the inspired Word of God, who is to say these are all wrong? May I be pardoned for expressing the opinion that whatever Horton's view and criterion may lead to, it is not the Reconstruction of the Christian faith? We cannot have that in the absence of either the Christ of the Bible or the Bible of the Christ.

      The coming home of our men from the front is generally supposed to make a Reconstruction in our church life desirable and even imperative. It would be criminal folly for us not to realise that their home coming will be to us both a challenge and an opportunity. Christian Union looms up more largely as a vital problem because of the war. The question recurs again and again. Where will the new denominational lines be drawn? We of course think they should be, not re-drawn, but with-drawn. But while the day of union may be believed to be coming nearer, there is little evidence of its being

imminent; and in the meantime men are asking where the new lines of demarcation will be. Will there be a great national church opposing small groups of Christian folk who cannot enter into such an ecclesiastical organisation? Will Rome receive an added influence and become a menace to the world? Shall we have on the one, side Sacerdotalism, and on the other Evangelicalism? It is difficult to say. One is safer in saying where the new line ought to be drawn. I could profoundly wish it might be drawn between those on the one side who are true believers in the Divinity and Atonement of the Lord and in the Authority of the Scriptures, and those on the other side who will not give Him and His Word their rightful place. There are few if any religious bodies on earth which would not be changed if such a line of cleavage were made.

      Others are free to form their own opinion, but I have not seen proof that the great masses of men, the workers who are to-day coming into their own, are opposed to Christ and His Gospel. They distrust christians, and many of them have no time to spare for the Churches-- but they chiefly are alienated from these because they think they are untrue to the teaching of the Working Man of Galilee. The church which can exemplify the faith and life of Christ and the Gospel will reach the workers. And if we can get the workers, then I have more hope of the Reconstruction of the Church and the world through them than I have of their salvability by means of German theology, whether you get it direct from the now-discredited exponents of "Kultur," or second hand from British or American "advanced" thinkers. We require, then, neither a reconstructed Christ nor a reconstructed Bible, but a Reconstruction of our lives and preaching so that they harmonise with these.

      "When the boys come home," they will need a Saviour, just as all of us need Him.

      Clearly the word "Reconstruction" suits well the position for which we stand. We have often said we plead for Restoration, not merely for Reformation. We might almost dare to say that "Reconstruction" and "Our Plea" are synonymous terms. Our work of building, of construction and Reconstruction, will never be complete till the New Testament faith and life are found in all the earth; till the scattered host of the people of God constitute one body, united in one God and Lord and Spirit, holding one faith, one baptism and one hope; till the light of the Gospel of the glory of Christ shine on every man for whom the Lord Jesus died. Surely it is the case that we are in the presence of a great opportunity. The Christian world believes now in union, prays for union, works for union. The only thing it seems to lack is the knowledge that there is a divinely given basis of union.

      It would be out of harmony with the whole purpose of this address were it to close with any semblance of a spirit of self-congratulation or complacency. There is a Reconstruction which all need, we as others. It is the Reconstruction of our selves. We should seek the transformed life. In the lives of all there is room for more holiness, purer thoughts, nobler ideals, kinder words, more loving service. We cannot doubt that had professed Christians been true to Christ, united in the face of the common foe, living by the Spirit, there would have been no world conflict to-day. The war makes a demand on us for consecration and sacrifice.

      The President appointed Bren. A. Lucraft, A. Johnson and J.J. Silvester a Resolutions Committee, and during Conference the following resolutions were carried:--

      "That this Conference of Associated Churches of Christ in West Australia reaffirms its allegiance to the throne. It asserts its confidence in the righteousness of the cause for which the Empire for which the Empire and her Allies are fighting. It hopes that our domestic affairs will be so arranged that Australia will continue to contribute her full part in the war as an integral part of the Empire, and that under God a speedy and satisfactory peace may be secured.

A. R. Main, A.C., 1917, pp. 451-452.

      How can we forget that we are at war? We could not ignore the fact if we would, nor would we if we could. Our homes are affected; hundreds of our people mourn their loved ones who counted honor and duty dearer than life; our congregations are depleted, marry of the very best of our workers having gone to the front. In private and public, in business and religious life, we are brought face to face with unprecedented conditions. The worst thing we could do would be to ignore these. Some of our correspondents who have objected to some paragraphs which have appeared in our columns seem to forget this. We do sincerely wish that these brethren would not suggest that all but so-called pacifists or conscientious objectors are lovers of war. Every Christian must loathe and abhor it. It were absurd to suppose that a follower of the Prince of Peace could be other than a lover of peace. It is a libel to say that the hundreds of thousands of Christian young men at the front love war. In fact, as in professed aim, they have gone with the purpose of freeing the world from the curse of a despotic militarism. They fight for freedom and humanity. We can understand the position of one who believes that our Christian soldiers are mistaken in their method of freeing the world from war, and who holds the view that the Bible forbids all

appeal to arms. But we cannot understand why such a man should seem to cast a doubt on the good faith of those who differ from him, and who go out to risk their lives for the safety of the motherland, and incidentally for the liberty of the pacifist as well. We are respecters of consciences, and believe it is wickedly wrong for people to sneer at conscientious objectors or impute motives of cowardice to those who are genuinely such; but because we are thus respecters, we must object to the calm assumption contained in a number of letters we receive that the conscience is all on one side.

      What is the preacher's duty, and the church's duty, at such a time? One recent correspondent laments that preachers instill thoughts of strife and glorify war. If that is true of any preacher of the Churches of Christ, we regret it. But we doubt the truth of the suggestion. We have not heard such a preacher. But clearly it is no part of our duty to ignore the world conflict. That were a folly compared to which the fabled hiding of the ostrich's head were sober wisdom.

      It is the preacher's duty supremely to minister to the people in spiritual things. He has to bring to the sorrowing the words of comfort and of cheer. The true preacher endeavors to keep our hearts soft, and our motives pure, to exclude the possibility of our ideals of peace and love and brotherhood being lowered or lost in a time of strife. He bids us loathe-rapine and-war as-such. He-turns the thoughts of all to the Prince of Peace; he takes the opportunity of showing that the Gospel is the only cure for the ills of men; he seeks to encourage those of feeble heart who are despondent as they see the crumbling of cities and the fall of thrones by pointing them to the city which hath the foundations whose builder and maker is God. He will lead the people in prayer for the day of peace. He will seek to turn his own nation and people from any sin which in it may be delaying the coming of history and of peace. He will look beyond the present conflict, and prepare us for the dawning of the brighter day of the brotherhood of man. A preacher can do all this without being either bellicose or belligerently pacifist. He need not on one side or other claim a monopoly either of revelation or conscience. He may simply be one who in days of destruction is prepared to do a constructive work, one who is ready to help all in need, to cheer the downcast and sorrowing, to turn to thoughts of God those who, whether they know it or not, need Him supremely.

A. R. Main, A.C., 1917, pp. 679-680.

      It is with sorrow that we feel constrained once more to write on the question of a conscription referendum.

      We regret that once again the people of Australia should have the anxiety and responsibility of deciding such a matter.

      We have no desire to discuss the proposals of the Federal authorities. There are some good things in the proclamation of the Government. All readers, we think, will approve of its avowed aim to secure as nearly as possible an equitable distribution of the burden of sacrifice. We like the Federal Government's pledge to exempt those the calling upon whom for service would impose undue hardship to those dependent upon them. We are glad to notice, also, the exemption from combatant service of those whose religious belief does not allow them to bear arms. We think that it is but right that the service of all the citizens should in some form or another be freely at the country's disposal; but we are also of opinion that the violation by force of the conscientious objections of Christian folk would be one of the greatest evils of this time of war.

      The church courts of some religious bodies will feel free to make pronouncements such as no communion or conference of ours could possibly make.

      We agree that every minister has as much right as any other man to political views, and as a citizen he enjoys the freedom of all other citizens. But when his congregation is composed of Christian folk who are of varying political opinions, it is unjust for him as minister to use the pulpit for the advocacy of certain political views. So now with the referendum campaign; as citizens we would consider ourselves to have the right to recommend the acceptance of the Government proposals, just as we acknowledge the right of opposition to them. But we could not regard it as right either for the advocate or opponent of conscription to use the church platform for the advocacy of his private views on this question. Nor can we use the pages of "The Christian" on either side of the great question. What we do with great urgency is to request all of our readers to consider carefully the proclamation setting forth the proposals of the Federal ministry, and after earnest and prayerful consideration, to record a vote as duty seems to them to dictate.

      It is certain that in our churches are pacifists; it is equally certain that there are others who, while they have with feelings of pride farewelled their sons who volunteered for active service, will yet vote against conscription. Now, whether these be in a majority or a minority in any congregation, let not one word be said which will reflect on their loyalty or patriotism.

A. R. Main, A.C., 1918, p. 315.

      The "Strength of Empire" Movement for War-time Prohibition and National Purity was launched at a great Citizens' Demonstration, held in the Melbourne Town Hall on Tuesday evening of last week. There was a most representative gathering, and stirring addresses were given by the chairman, Hon. W.H. Edgar, M.L.C.; Mr. E.W. Greenwood, M.L.A., Director of the Movement; Professor Meredith Atkinson, of Melbourne University; Mr. Jas. E. Thomas, a representing the Council of Churches; and Mrs. A. Glencross, of the W.C.T.U.

      We welcome the establishment of such a movement in our land.

      The movement is well names, and its objects are such as to appeal to every Christian and every lover of Empire. The director announced that these objects are (1) to secure war-time prohibition; (2) permanent State prohibition; (3) purity. The Government would be urged to provide means for the speedy and adequate dealing with the problem of venereal disease.

Jas. E. Thomas, A.C., 1917, p. 667.

      The condition of Russia is most depressing, and is calculated to cause doubt as to whether we shall receive much more assistance from our one time powerful ally. Dark forces are evidently spreading their deadly influence, and M. Lenin is again exerting himself on behalf of scheming German diplomacy. The present calamity was first made possible by the recognition of a council of workmen and soldiers. This led to insubordination and chaos in the Army, and the leaders became paralysed. There must be the discipline of a supreme command for the successful control of the army. The Soviet will probably again become discordant as one section grows suspicious of the other. The Bolsheviks, who are the most extreme socialists, are seeking to form a cabinet without a Prime Minister, and to preside in turns. There must be leadership in national life, and though true socialism is based upon the teaching of Christ, yet the extremes to which these wreckers of Russia go show how impossible is their rabid socialism. It will lead only to continuous anarchy. It seems quite possible that Russia will be rent asunder, but by far the greater part of the army and people will be with the Cossacks, who have always been the backbone of the Empire. These will set up their government in Moscow. Kerensky has done nobly, though he committed the error of trying always to seek the middle course. He would have done well to have been reconciled to Korniloff, with his fuller experience. Now he must come back to the Cossacks if he would succeed. General Alexieff, himself an Armenian, would receive the support of Cossacks as well as the greater portion of the peasantry of Russia. M. Malakoff, the new Russian ambassador in France, points out that this event has long been expected, and says there is no occasion for undue alarm. We can only wait patiently and believe that God will overrule for the good of Russia and the world these tragic happenings.

Jas. E. Thomas, A.C., 1919, p. 203.

      Underneath the efforts of Bolsheviks there may be a good purpose. In the revolt against oppression and injustice there are men among them seeking to bring a better condition of things to their fellow men. Unfortunately the leaders in Russia and elsewhere are going to the extreme, and most of all they are seeking to reform the world without God. The latest decree of Lenin, the Bolshevik leader in Russia, is to forbid Christian burial services, and make it illegal to put a cross on the grave of the dead. A system that nationalises women, and makes her the victim of mankind, that forbids marriage, that abolishes Christian burial services, and makes it a crime to mark the resting place of the dead, is a sad tragedy. We know there is need for reform even in our own land, but we trust we will be spared from a system that leaves men without Christ or God in a world in which we need him as the only solution of the ills of mankind.

[NOF 455-462]